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An Acount of the Kingdom of Pegu.

natives themselves, that about two children out of five perifh in con fequence of the operation. Some perions of a higher rank have, inftead of this, their thighs covered with the reprefentations of tigers, and other wild beasts, imprinted by a procefs fimilar to the former.

The men have long black hair, tied on the top of the head, over which fome wear a white handkerchief, in form of a turban; others go with their heads bare, and decorated with flowers. They wear about their loins a piece of partycoloured filk, or cotton cloth, which is afterwards paffed over the fhoulder, and goes round the body. Thofe of higher rank have this cloth fo long as to hang down over their thighs and legs; which, among the lower clafs of people, are bare. The women have a kind

of fhort jacket to cover the upper part of their bodies; and the remainder of their drefs is a piece of cloth, which is fastened round the loins, and hangs down to the ancles. This is doubled over a few inches at the fore part, where it is open,

fo that the thigh is discovered in walking through its whole length. This mode of drefs, they tell us, was firft introduced by a certain queen of Ava, who did it with the view of reclaiming the hearts of the men from an unnatural and deteftable paffion, to which they were, at that time, totally abandoned; and fucceeded fo well that he is remembered at this day with gratitude as a public benefactress to the kingdom.

In their behaviour to ftrangers they are obliging, and fhew a degree of franknefs that one would by no means expect to meet in a nation whom we have been accustomed to look upon as barbarous. They exprefs a great curiohty to fee the manners of strangers, which makes them often come into their houses, and obferve all that is doing without appearing to be

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fhew

under any constraint. They allo
take pleafure in imitating the dress
and behaviour of thofe who come
among them, and appear highly
delighted when a ftranger imitates
any of theirs. In return, if you
go into their houses, you are re-
ceived with great hofpitality; the
people are eager to find fomething
that may give you fatisfaction, and
feem very happy when you
any marks of being pleafed. They
have none of that ftrictnefs which
diftinguishes the other caftern na-
tions; but will themfelves con-
duct you, with the greatest ala-
crity, through every part of their
dwelling. The merit of their com-
plaifance is fo much the greater
on this account that it cannot, in
any degree, be afcribed to fear, as
a ftranger is here entirely in their
power, and the people have a very
high idea of their own military
force and prowefs.

And not without reafon; for they are in reality a formidable nation; numerous, brave, poffeffing great ftrength of body, and capable of fuftaining fatigue, they only want a regular difcipline to render their power truly refpectable. Their principal weapons are the fpear and fcimeter, both of which they handle with great dexterity. But the ufe of gunpowder is not unknown to them, for they often employ mufkets with matchlocks. They are frequently at war with the Siamefe, over whom they have been often victorious. The prifoners taken in thefe expeditions they detain, and employ in the occupations to which they were brought up. Many of the hipbuilders at Rangoon are Siamefe, who have been taken in war. For

carrying any defperate enterprise into execution, they have a fet of people who, very probably, have been criminals, referved for the purpose, to whom it is death to return without having effected the bufinefs that they were fent on.

This

This appears a ftrange piece of policy, as one fhould imagine that thofe men, whom we cannot fuppofe to be bound by any principles of honour, or actuated by any affection for the state to which they belong, lie under the great temptations to join the enemy. What means are used to prevent fo probable a confequence; whether they are accompanied or commanded by men who are more worthy of truft, and able to restrain them, or encouraged by the hope of rewards on their return with fuccefs, I have not been able to learn. Be this as it will, it is very well known that the Birmahs are not fingular in this practice, which is adopted by many of the other defpotic powers of the Eaft.

The badge by which the Birmahs diftinguifh themselves, in undergoing the painful operation of having their thighs dyed jet black, is fimilar to the practice of tattaowing ufed by the natives of Otaheite. It is difficult to account for all the 'follies of mankind. But, among uncivilifed nations, the point of honour is always placed in enduring pain or hardship; and perhaps a Pegufian Birmah is as proud of his black pofteriors as an Englifh nobleman of the green, red, or blue ribbon that hangs round his neck. When once marks of diftinction

and honour are once introduced, no enquiry is made concerning their propriety.

The dress of the women reminds us of the Lacedemonian dames, who had fimilar apertures in their robes to difcover what the rest of the fex are fo careful to conceal. The hofpitality and frankness of this nation to ftrangers, which excites the furprife of every traveller, is a general feature of unrefined nations before they have experienced the perfidy and oppreffion of their vifitants. Man is never afraid of man till he finds him to be a foe. It is even from experience only that birds learn to fhun the tyrant of the creation.

..

In the account of the laws of this nation we find that the ordeal trial, which has formed a part of the early jurifprudence of every country, is eftablished in Pegu. It was appointed by Mofes among the Jews for afcertaining the guilt or innocence of a woman fufpected of adultery. The judicial determinations by fingle combat, in the middle ages, are well known; the practice of Pegu is not much different. The two parties are obliged to dive into a pond, fet apart for the purpose; he who can remain the longeft under water is pronounced innocent, and fentence is paffed in his favour.

An Account of ALL THE REGENCIES which have taken Place in ENGLAND from the earliest Periods; extracted principally from Judge BLACKSTONE'S COMMENTARIES, Vol. I. Page 248, 249.

MOST

TOST of them are compre hended in this fhort note, and it demands fome apology to the public for interpolating fome additional fentences in the following compendium of the great and illuftrious legal benefactor of his country, and in a work of which it may with truth be said,

Indoi difcent, & ament memeniffe periti.

The methods of appointing this Regent or Guardian have been fo various, and the duration of his power fo: uncertain, that from thence alone it may be collected that his office is unknown to the B 2 common

An Account of all the Regencies in England,

common law; and therefore Sir Edward Coke, 4th inft. 58, fays, the fureft way is to have him made by the authority of the Great Council in Parliament. (The first Regency which occurs in our annals is that of the Bishops of Durham and of Ely, appointed jufticiaries and Guardians of the realm by King Richard the First in 1190, during his abfence in the Holy Land. The Earl of Pembroke, by his own authority, affumed in very troublefome times, the Regency of Henry the Third, whọ was then only nine years old, but was declared of full age by the Pope at feventeen, confirmed the Great Charter at eighteen, and took upon him the administration of the government at twenty; (and here it is to be remarked, that the Earl of Pembroke died in 1119, and during the remainder of the minority, he was fucceeded as Regent by the Bishop of Winchester, by the authority of Parliament.)

A Guardian and Council of Regency were named for Edward the Third by the Parliament, which depofed his father; the young King being then fifteen, and not affuming the government till three years afterwards.

When Richard the Second fuc çceded, at the age of eleven, the Duke of Lancaster took upon him the management of the kingdom till the Parliament met, which appointed a nominal council to affift him. During the reign of the fifth Henry, his brother, the Duke of Bedford, was appointed Regent, upon his expedition to France. In the hiftory of the life of that great monarch, by Godwin, it appears that this appointment was permanent, and lafted during his whole reign, and without any frefb appointment, a Parliament was held, and opened by the Chancellor, in 1419, before him, during the King's abfence, under the title of

Lord Warden of England. Henry the Fifth, on his death-bed, named a Regent and Guardian for his infant fon, Henry VI. then nine months old; but the Parliament altered his difpofition, and ap pointed a Protector and Council, with fpecial limited authority, Both thefe Princes (Richard II. and Henry VI.) remained in a ftate of pupilage till the age of twenty-three. In the year 1453, upon the indifpofition of this lat King, the Duke of York was named Protector, first by the Privy Council, and then by Parliament, which he held for one year, till the King's recovery. The next year the wars of York and Lan, cafter broke out; and the King being made prifoner at the battle of St, Alban's, was compelled to afsent to an act of Parliament, by which he was again nominated to be Protector.

Edward V. at the age of thir teen, was recommended by his father to the care of the Duke of Gloucester, (King Richard III.) who was declared Protector by the Privy Council. During the reign of Henry VIII. there were two Commiffions of Regency from the King to his first Queen, during his expeditions against Scotland and France, according to Hume.

The ftatutes of the 25th Henry VIII. c. 12, and the 28th of Henry VIII. c. 7, provided that the fucceffor of a male under eighteen, or of a female under fixteen, fhould be, till fuch age; in the governance of his or her natural mother, if approved by the King, and fuch other councellors as his Majefty fhould appoint by will, or otherwife-and he accordingly appointed his fixteen executors to have the government of his fon, Edward VI. and of the kingdom -which executors elected the Earl of Hertford Protector, who was fucceeded by the Duke of Northumberland,

berland, nominated by the aforefaid executors.

During the reign of King William, Queen Mary was appointed Regent of the kingdom, during his abfence in Ireland, by A&t of Parliament; which is the more extraordinary, as King William and Queen Mary were named and appointed Join: Sovereigns, at the Revolution; the other Commiffions of Regency during the reign. of that Prince, were in Lords Juftices, and compofed of the great officers of State.

By the 6th of Queen Anne, a commiffion of Regency was formed, of feven great officers of State, to act with any number of Commiffioners to be nominated by an inftrument from the Elector of Hanover to his Refident at the British Court; this is the moft important Regency in our annals, becaufe they fupplied the vacancy of Regal power, for two months after the death of the Queen, and before the arrival of King George the First, and held a Parliament, paffed two bills, and prorogued it, when the King was abfent in 1714, and executed the important trust of transferring the Crown to the Brunfwick family. Of this Regency a curious account is given in Tindal.

The late King, when Prince of Wales in 1716, was nominated Guardian of the Realm under the authority of an Act of Parliament. The Commiffion of Regency in 1718 was compofed of the great Officers of State, as well as thofe of the reft of his reign, and particularly that at his demise in 1727.

The late Queen Caroline was Regent in 1731, and alfo when the celebrated affair of Captain Porteus happened in 1736. The reft of the Commiffions of Regency during the late reign, were compofed of the great Officers of State, and the late Prince of Wales

never was invested with that pow, er, though of full age.

The ftatute 24 G. 2. c. 24. in cafe the Crown fhould defcend to any of the children of Frederic late Prince of Wales, under the age of eighteen, appoints the Princefs Dowager; and that of 5 G. 3. c. 27, in cafe of a like descent to any of his prefent Majefty's children, empowers the King to name either the Queen, the Princess Dowager, or any. descendant of George the Second, refiding in this kingdom, to be Guardian and Regent, till the fucceffor attains fuch age, affifted by a Council of Regency; the powers of them all being exprefsly fet down and defined by the feveral Acts of Parliament.

Upon this plain ftate of facts, a difcerning public will make their own comments: Regents have rarely been made by Kings, or by Councils, but almost univerfally by Parliament and their powers have been fet down and defined, (to ufe Judge Blackftone's words) by the various acts of Regency: this power has never been affumed as a claim of right, or from allįance and fuccession to the Crown; the first fubje&t has no more right to this office, than any other fubjects, who have been, or may be appointed, by the authority of Parliament.

Precedence and courtesy place the Heir to the Crown in the most prominent fituation, and give him the fecond place in public contemplation but pretenfions of acknowledged procedence can never be conftrued into claims of right, by logical inference, or legitimate argument. Let the power of a Regent be vefted where it may, it cannot legally affect reverfionay rights, which can only accrue upon the demise of the Crown.. These rights are out of the question at prefent; two fubjects, and, two

only,

ΤΟ

On the Antiquity of Card-playing in England.

only, can occupy the debates of a wife and popular affembly; namely, an attention to the rights of an exifting Monarch, to whom they have worn allegiance, with the reft of their fellow fubjects,

pre

and the prefervation of his rogative, as far as is confiftent with the pre-eminent and fupreme law, the welfare of the ftate, and the fafety of the people.

Obfervations on the Antiquity of CARD-PLAYING in England, by the Hon. DAINES BARRINGTON.

T

[From a Paper read before the Antiquarian Society. ]

HE earliest mention of cards that I have yet stumbled upon, is in Mr. Anftis's Hiftory of the Garter, where he cites the following paffage from the Wardrobe Rolls, in the fixth year of Edward the first.

Waltero Sturton ad opus regis ad ludendum ad quatuor reges viii. s.' from which entry Mr. Anftis with fome probability conjectures, that playing cards were not unknown at the latter end of the thirteenth (century; and perhaps what I fhall add may carry with it fome Imall confirmation of what he thus fuppofes.

Edward the first (when prince of Wales) ferved nearly five years in Syria, and therefore while military operations were fufpended, muft naturally have wifhed fome fedentary amufements. Now the Afiatics fcarcely ever change their cuftoms; and, as they play at cards (though in many relpects different from Ours) it is not improbable that Edward might have been taught the game, ad quatuor reges, while he continued fo long in this part of the globe.

If however this article in the wardrobe account is not allowed to allude to playing cards, the next writer who mentions the more early introduction of them is P. Meneftrier, who from fuch another article in the privy purfe ex

pences of the kings of France, fay's that they were provided for Charles the fixth by his limner, after that king was deprived of his fenfes in 1392. The entry is the following.

I must own, that I have fome doubts whether this entry really relates to playing cards, though it is admitted that trois jeux de cartes would now fignify three packs of cards. The word jeu however had antiently a more extenfive import than at prefent, and Cotgrave in his dictionary applies it to a cheft of violins, jez de violons. I therefore rather conceive that the trois jeux de cartes, in this article, means three fets of illuminations upon paper; carte originally fignifying no more.

If this be the right interpretation of the terms, we fee the reafon why Gringonneaur, limner to Charles VI. was employed, and thefe three fets of illuminations. would entertain the king during his infanity by their variety, as three fets of wooden prints would now amuse a child better than one; while on the other hand one pack of cards would have been fufficient for a mad king, who probably would tear them in pieces upon the first run of bad luck.

How this fame king moreover was to be taught or could play a game at cards while he was out of his fenfes is not very apparent ;

and

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