Unthinking, idle, wild, and young,

I laugh'd, and danc'd, and talk'd and sung ;
And proud of health, of freedom vain,
Dream'd not of sorrow, care, or pain ;
Concluding, in those hours of glee,
That all the world was made for me.
But when the hour of trial came,
When sickness shook this trembling frame,
When folly's gay pursuits were o'er,
And I could dance and sing no more,
It then occurr'd how sad 'twould be,
Were this world only made for me.

We have shewn in a preceding anecdote, that the King's religious cares extended to every branch of his family; and that the good cause was not forgotten in the attention which he always paid to the progress of his amiable grand-daughter's education, as exemplified on one particular occasion. A gentleman, petitioning the late Princess Charlotte, on behalf of a condemned prisoner, after some conversation, she said, "I perceive, Sir, that you are a minister of religion will you be so obliging as to inform me what will make a dying bed easy?" Much delighted with such a question, from one so young and so exalted, he spoke to her of the mediation of the Saviour; and when he had concluded the answer to the question, he begged permission to ask her royal highness one: this was granted. He then said, "What could have induced your D d

VOL. II.

royal highness to ask me such a question ?" She replied, My royal grandfather, from my very childhood, inculcated this principle, that I should attentively read the Bible, for in it I should find the way of salvation through Jesus."

Commensurate with this was his patriotic declaration, that he hoped that every poor child in his dominions would learn to read the Bible, and should have a Bible to read.

It was on Thursday morning, the twenty-fifth of October, that the gentleman whose duty it was to be near his person felt it necessary to communicate to Mr. Perceval an obvious alteration that had taken place in his speech and deportment. On the ensuing day this became more manifest; and on the twenty-seventh it was so alarming, that a council was held, when the lord chancellor was sent for, and Dr. Heberden ordered to attend; at the same time directions being given that the physicians and medical attendants only should have access to the royal apartments.

So rapid was the progress of the disorder, that he was unable to appoint commissioners for the opening of parliament on the first of November, as originally proclaimed, or to prorogue it agreeably to the intended plan.

It being finally decided that His Majesty was unable to attend to business, ministers felt that it would be improper to apply for the sign-manual

for the prorogation of parliament; and accordingly the proper steps were instantly taken to bring this unhappy circumstance before the grand council of the nation.

Parliament therefore met, and a series of occurrences took place, the most extraordinary to be found through the whole range of British history— but with regard to our unhappy monarch all was now almost a blank; so that interesting as those events may have been, we feel ourselves confined by our original plan and limits to restrict our pages to those proceedings and results alone which bear most personally upon the venerated object of our biography.

On the first meeting of parliament an adjournment took place until the fifteenth of November, on which day it was stated by ministers, that the medical attendants expressed the most flattering and confident hopes that the King would in a very short space of time be able to resume the exercise of the royal functions; and parliament was accordingly adjourned to the twenty-ninth of the month, on the principle of deference to the judgment of the physicians, as well as delicacy towards the sovereign, before any attempt should be made to supply the deficiency of the executive.

This was the opinion of the heir-apparent, whose filial affection was not to be warped by party; and it was also the declared opinion of those who were

known by the name of his "friends." The nation at large also highly approved of this cautious delicacy; though unhappily, during the progress of this adjournment, His Majesty's disorder, instead of relaxing in its strength, or assuming a more favourable aspect, put on the appearance of more obstinacy, and threatened to be of long continuance.

Notwithstanding this, the physicians very judiciously abstained from yielding to despair; and being examined by the privy council, a few days before the meeting of parliament, they expressed their opinions, that although His Majesty at that time was certainly incapable of exercising the royal functions, yet they had no doubt of his recovery, which they considered would not be long delayed; consequently a further adjournment was carried by a large majority for the thirteenth of December.

Unfortunately, during this third adjournment, the disorder of the King by no means abated; and it was at length generally understood that the malady had assumed a more violent character, so as not only to raise fears for his life, but also, if that life could be prolonged, to threaten a long and tedious, perhaps, an incurable illness, both mental and bodily.

To dilate upon a subject so afflicting to humanity, so much at war with our best feelings, even in regard to the humblest of our fellow citizens, and much more so as respecting the first citizen of a free state, the constitutional monarch, the venerable

father of his people, would neither be in good taste, nor consonant to loyal decorum, even if it were not rather beyond the limits which we have proposed for ourselves: it is sufficient, therefore, to state, that a careful investigation and medical examination took place at the meeting of parliament on the thirteenth of December, when such a chain of evidence came out, as at once proved the necessity of proceeding to the choice of a regent, upon the broad constitutional principles so judiciously laid down, and so ably maintained, by Mr. Pitt, in the year 1788.

It is for the general historian of this period to examine the principles maintained by the two contending parties; the one insisting that the heirapparent become regent de facto, and was so even previous to any regulations analogous to the coronation oath; the other insisting, that the choice of a regent, though it was now expedient that regent should be the heir-apparent, rested with parliament, whose duty it was to make such arrangements as the case required; and to establish such securities for the constitutional government, for the safety of the royal person, and a return to power in case of a return to health, as might be found proper; though more as a precedent for future times, than as absolutely necessary from the personal character of the

successor.

Such were the broad constitutional features of the contest; but there were others connected with party, which may be briefly mentioned.