other officers were set down who had been omitted in the first. I wrote to our bankers an account of this error, and desired to know whether, after receiving the money necessary for the captives, they were in condition to furnish two hundred and fifty-four thousand livres for the officers. They answered me by sending the money, and the additional sum of twenty-six thousand livres to complete the business of the medals. I delivered the bills to Messrs. Grand and company to negotiate and pay away; and the arrears to the officers to the first day of the present year are now in a course of payment. While on this subject, I will ask that an order may be forwarded to the bankers in Holland to furnish, and to M. Grand to pay, the arrearages which may be due on the first of January next. The money being in hand, it would be a pity that we should fail in payment a single day merely for want of an order. The bankers further give it as their opinion that our credit is so much advanced on the exchange of Amsterdam, that we may probably execute any money arrangements we may have occasion for on this side the water. I have the honor to send you a copy of their letter. They have communicated to me apprehensions that another house was endeavoring to obtain the business of our Government. Knowing of no such endeavors myself, I have assured them that I am a stranger to any applications on the subject. At the same time, I cannot but suspect that this jealousy has been one of the spurs at least to the prompt completion of our loan. The spirited proceedings of the new Congress in the business of revenue has doubtless been the principal one.

An engagement has taken place between the Russian and Swedish fleets in the Baltic, which has been not at all decisive, no ship having been lost on either side. The Swedes claim a victory, because they remained in the field till the Russians quitted it. The latter effected a junction soon after with another part of their fleet, and being now about ten ships strongest, the Swedes retired into port, and it is imagined they will not appear again under so great disparity; so that the campaign by sea is supposed to be finished. Their commerce will be at the mercy of their enemies; but they have put it out of the power of the Russians to send any fleet to the Mediterranean this year.

A revolution has been effected very suddenly in the bishoprick of Liege. Their constitution had been changed by force by the reigning

sovereign, about one hundred years ago.

The subject has been

lately revived and discussed in print. The people were at length excited to assemble tumultuously. They sent for their Prince, who was at his country seat, and required him to come to the town-house to hear their grievances. Though in the night, he came instantly, and was obliged to sign a restitution of their ancient constitution, which took place on the spot, and all became quiet without a drop of blood spilt. This fact is worthy notice, only as it shows the progress of the spirit of revolution.

No act of violence has taken place in Paris since my last, except on account of the difference between the French and the Swiss guards, which gave rise to occasional single combats, in which five or six were killed. The difference is made up. Some misunderstandings had arisen between the committees of the different districts of Paris as to the form of the future municipal government. These gave uneasiness for a while, but have been also reconciled. Still there is such a leaven of fermentation remaining in the body of the people, that acts of violence are always possibly, and are quite unpunishable, there being, as yet, no judicature which can venture to act in any case, however small or great. The country is becoming more calm. The embarrassments of the Government, for want of money, are extreme. The loan of thirty millions proposed by M. Necker has not succeeded at all. No taxes are paid. A total stoppage of all payments to the creditors of the State is possible every moment. These form a great mass in the city as well as country, and among the lower class of people, too, who have been used to carry their little savings of their service into the public funds, upon life rents of five, ten, twenty guineas a year, and many of whom have no other dependence for daily subsistence. A prodigious number of servants are now also thrown out of employ by domestic reforms, rendered necessary by the late events. Add to this the want of bread, which is extreme. For several days past a considerable proportion of the people have been without bread altogether; for though the new harvest is begun, there is neither water nor wind to grind the grain. For some days past the people have besieged the doors of the bakers, scrambled with one another for bread, collected in squads all over the city, and need only some slight incident to lead them to excesses which may end in nobody can tell VOL. II.-21

what. The danger from want of bread, however, which is the most imminent, will certainly lessen in a few days. What turn that may take which arises from the want of money is difficult to be foreseen. M. Necker is totally without influence in the National Assembly, and, as I believe, not satisfied with this. want of importance. That Assembly has just furnished their bill of rights. The question will then be, whether to take up the first constitution or the business of finance.

No plan of a constitution has been yet given in. But I can state to you the outlines of what the leading members have in contemplation. The executive power in a hereditary King, with power of dissolving the Legislature, and a negative in their laws; his authority in forming treaties to be greatly restrained. The legislative to be a single House of Representatives, chosen for two or three years. They propose a body, whom they call a Senate, to be chosen by the Provincial Assemblies, as our Federal Senate is, but with no power of negativing or amending laws; they may only remonstrate on them to the representatives, who will decide by a simple majority the ultimate event of the law. This body will, therefore, be a mere council of revision. It is proposed that they shall be of a certain age and property, and be for life. They may make them also their court of impeachment. They will suppress the Parliaments, and establish a system of judicature somewhat like that of England, with trial by jury in criminal cases, perhaps also in civil. Each province will have a subordinate provincial government, and the great cities, a municipal one, on a free basis. These are the ideas and views of the most distinguished members. But they may suffer great modifications from the Assembly, and the longer the delay, the greater will be the modifications. Considerable interval having taken place since any popular execution, the aristocratic party is raising its head. They are strengthened by a considerable defection from the patriots, in consequence of the general suppression of the abuses of the 4th of August, in which many were interested. Another faction, too, of the most desperate views has acquired strength in the Assembly, as well as out of it. These wish to dethrone the reigning branch, and transfer the crown to the Duke d'Orleans. The members of this faction are mostly persons of wicked and desperate fortunes, who have nothing at heart but to pillage from the wreck of their country.

The Duke himself is as unprincipled as his followers; sunk into debaucheries of the lowest kind, and incapable of quitting them for business; not a fool, yet not head enough to conduct any thing. In fact, I suppose him used merely as a tool, because of his immense wealth, and that he acquired a certain degree of popularity by his first opposition to the Government, then credited to him as upon virtuous motives. He is certainly borrowing money on a large scale. He is in understanding with the Court of London, where he had been long on habits of intimacy. The Ministry here are apprehensive that that Ministry will support his designs by war. I have no idea of this, but no doubt, at the same time, that they will furnish him money liberally to aliment a civil war, and prevent the regeneration of this country.

It was suggested to me some days ago that the Court of Versailles were treating with that of London, for a surrender of their West India possessions, in consideration of a great sum of money to relieve their present distress. Every principle of common sense was in opposition to this fact, yet it was so affirmed as to merit inquiry. I became satisfied that the Government had never such an idea, but that the story was not without foundation altogether; that something like this was in contemplation between the faction of Orleans and the Court of London, as a means of obtaining money from that Court. In a conversation with the Count de Montmorin, two days ago, he told me their colonies were speaking a language which gave them uneasiness, and for which there was no foundation. I asked him if he knew anything of what I had just mentioned. He appeared unapprized of it, but to see at once that it would be a probable speculation between the two parties circumstanced and principled as those two are. I apologized to him for the inquiries I had made in this business, by observing that it would be much against our interest, that any one Power should monopolize all the West India Islands. "Pardi assurément," was his answer.

The emancipation of their islands is an idea prevailing in the minds of several members of the National Assembly, particularly those most enlightened and most liberal in their views. Such a step by this country would lead to other emancipations or revolutions in the same quarter.

I enclose you some papers, received from Mr. Carmichael, relative to the capture of one of our vessels by a Morocco cruiser, and

restitution by the Emperor. I shall immediately write to M. Chiappe to express a proper sense of the Emperor's friendly dispositions to us. I forward, also, the public papers to the present date, and have the honor to be, &c.,

TH: JEFFERSON.

FROM THOMAS JEFFERSON TO JOHN JAY.

Paris, September 19, 1789.

Sir,

I had the honor of addressing you on the 30th of the last month. Since that, I have taken the liberty of consigning to you a box of officers' muskets, containing half a dozen, made by the person and on the plan which I mentioned to you in a letter which I cannot turn to at this moment; but I think it was of the year 1785. A more particular account of them you will find in the enclosed copy of a letter which I have written to General Knox. The box is marked T. J., No. 36-is gone to Havre, and will be forwarded to you by the first vessel bound to New York, by Mr. Nathaniel Cutting, an American gentleman, establishing himself there.

Recalling to your mind the account I gave you of the number and size of ships fitted out by the English last year for the northern whale fishery, and comparing with it what they have fitted out this year for the same fishery, the comparison will stand thus:

By which you will perceive that they have lost a third of that fishery in one year, which I think almost entirely-if not quite— ascribable to the shutting the French ports against their oil. I have no account of their southern fishery of the present year.

As soon as I was informed that our bankers had the money ready for the redemption of our captives, I went to the General of the Order of the Holy Trinity, who retained all his dispositions to aid us in that business. Having a very confidential agent at Marseilles,