I paffed the day very happily though not fo joyously as that day twelvemonth, in the midst of my worthy conftituents at Aylesbury, all of us in full chorus to the liberties of our country, and the virtues of our fovereign; yet after the late flagrant acts of defpotic power in the M****, not forgetting either their wickedness or their infolence, Joly's Champaign was not neceflary to infpire the highest goodhumour and gaiety on fo white fo aufpicious a day as the fourth of June. The toaft confecrated the wine, and gave it the true flavour, though I could not help lamenting my hard and unmerited lot, of being forced to give fuch a toaft out of my own dear country, and in a land where the standard' of liberty is not yet erected. With Mifs W- -'s help we made out tolerably well GOD SAVE GREAT GEORGE OUR KING; and as the duke of Nivernois fays in one of his letters Nous avons toafte et chante fort gaiement, et enfuite nous avons ete quatre bonnes beures a table. As I am an univerfal whig, I could not avoid giving an additional stanza, the poetry of which I endeavoured to bring down as low as the rest of the fong, and I believe I fucceeded; the thought was good, that the name of BRUNSWICK may ever be as propitious to the liberties of mankind as that of NASSAU; and our gracious fovereign, through a long and glorious reign, equally feared abroad and beloved at home, may approve himself as steady a patron of the rights of Englishmen as his grandfather was. On the whole, it prov. ed the most agreeable day I have paffed fince a few of us, in April, kept the anniversary of CULLODEN, which a good many others feemed to have a memorandum to forget, or at least to neglect very shamefully. Lord H. gave yesterday a grand dinner to all the English here except one, and to the true Irish whigs; nor like a good courtier did he omit the new converts, the Scots; he did not, however, obferve the diftinction which is fo much in fashion on your fide the water, for the true friends of the Hanover family were received at least as well as their known enemies. My lot is particular and droll enough I am the fingle Englishman not invited by the A- of my country, • Wine Merchant at Paris. on the only day I can at Paris fhew my I nor at any time because generally owes his very nomination to ministerial influence, and is almost of course (though this does not extend through his family) under the direction of the minifters, or perhaps as to the prefent cafe, in all propriety we ought to to fay, of the ministry, who, behind and between the curtains, ftill governs our ifland. I have never been prefented at court, because an Englishman should be prefented by the English ambaffador, and I will not ask any favour of Lord Hertford, in the present state of public affairs; though as a private nobleman, I should be ambitious to merit, and moft fortunate to obtain his friendship, as well as Lord Beauchamp's, from their real fterling fenfe, great intrinfic worth; and what fets off the whole, their amiable manners. I have the protection of the laws, which I never offend; and I am at Paris like any other foreigner, who has no favour to aik, nor need any other fecurity. The Eloge, which the noblest of poets gives me, that "I neither court the fmile nor dread the frown of kings," is as exact truth here as you know it to have been while I was at home. The fmall circle in which I now walk, will, however, bear teftimony to the juft tribute of gratitude I pay to the humane virtues of a prince, under whofe mild and gentle government I have met with that protection which an innocent man had a right to expect, but could not find in his own country, under his own M--: Yet let me do juftice, and carry my complaints to the fource from whence they fpring, to the base contrivances of M, exceedingly wicked and corrupt, and befides, ftung to the quick, who had obtained a most unhappy afcendency over the mind of their that the enormous load of their guilt may be thrown from themfelves upon him; a practice not new, but of which every reign of the Stuarts furnishes examples. I hope foon to fend you fomething, quod et bunc in annum vivat et plures. My large work opens with the general idea of political liberty; then proceeds to examine the fentiments of the European nations on this head, as diftinguished from the almoft univerfal grofs defpotifm of the rest of the world. The third part is a critique on the various governments of Europe. The fourth and laft, is entirely on the English Conftitution, the various changes it has undergone, the improvements made in it by the glorious revolution, and the no lefs • Churchill. happy than timely acceffion of the house of Brunswick. There are a few hints of fome remedies to the defects still fubfifting in this noble, and if my prayers are heard, this eternal fabric. A large Appendix contains, I hope, a full jultification of Mr. W-, upon constitutional grounds: A variety of characters, are drawn from the life, which, if I mistake not, will entertain you; and I believe they are not Skeletons, though I hope the originals will be fo, before the book is published." The NORTH BRITON, No. 146. On the growth of Popery. Durate et vofmet rebus fervate fecundis. VIRG. The Author after mentioning fome of the moft common Complaints, proceeds as follows: IF these things are all agreeable to law and policy-well; but if not, we must be loft to all our fenfes, to fuppofe, that any minifter who tolerates fuch abuses, has the leaft regard to our commerce, our religion, or our liberties! a few months fince brought us news from Canada of Jefuifts and Papifts being made justices of the peace, and subsequent advices from thence affure us, that that place is threatened with infurrections and invafions. The fate of this distracted colony may ferve as a warning to ourselves, not to fuffer an illegal countenancing of popery, though enforced by the unbounded influence of an arbitrary favourite. Notwithftanding any feeming calm that may prevail in the nation, it is impoffible that the people of England, will for ever be patient under the tyranny of a bad minister, or fuffer themfelves to be ruined, becaufe an indolent administration chufes to be inactive, while the enemies of their country are accumulating an alarming force in the western world, and strengthening themselves, by every poffible step, at home. In the year 1640 this nation feemed to be in the most perfect tranquillity imaginable. Strafford and Laud, had, in appearance, gained their ultimate views. fines, pillories, and imprisonments, had terrified the people into filence, or forced them into terms of refpect. They were compelled even to speak with approbation of thofe judges who had prostituted the re 002 fpe&tability Spectability of their offices, and facrificed the eftates which established the present their characters, to the ambitious views conflitution of this realm. of the then tyrannical court of St. James's. But how long did this tranquil face of things continue? fcarcely two years. An inceffant reiteration of the fame injuries that had kindled the general difcontent at first, foon lighted up thofe flames in which the oppreffive courtiers of thofe days, all perifhed to a man; and even dragged along with them, their unhappy matter. The people of England are too fenfible of their rights, and too tenacious of their privileges, ever to fuffer minifterial attempts upon their liberties to pafs with impunity. Their patience, their regard for the peace of their country, and their duty to their fuperiors, have always engaged them to fufpend, for a while, the effects of their refentment against the minifter who tyrannized over them. They have never rushed into the field whilit there was (and, I truft, never will whilst there is) a fingle ray of hope remaining, of otherwife extricating their country from the difficulties furrounding her. But no dangers, I hope, will ever terrify them from preferving with the fword (fo foon as all other means of fafety fail) thofe liberties that were purchased by it. And here it may be worthy remarking, that liberty when attacked, is, like every thing elfe, beft retained by those means that first fet it up. The ancestors of the English acquired their immunities with their fwords in their hands. Whenever thofe immunities were violently broken in upon, and no redrefs attained by remonstrances, they righted themfelves in the field. Are there, who affirm this to be unlawful! tell me then the difference between an enflaved and a free nation ?—the diftinction between an abfolute and a limited government?-If freemen have no rights which they are entitled to maintain by the fword (all other means availing nothing) then it is plain they have no rights but what they may be tripped of by a Laud, a Stafford, a Jefferies, or a B If we condemn the ufe of the fword, in fupporting the privileges of freemen (when thus fituated) we must condemn the barons that obtained the magna charta of England, the armed parliaments in which it was confirmed, the great men who effected the revolution, and the meeting of The fundamental principle of a free constitution is, that there is no power within it, that can legally deprive the fubjects of their birthrights, and that the latter may lawfully defend those rights with their fwords, against any power that fhall attempt any infringement of them. So foon as they lofe fight of this principle, they will cease to be freemen. Their minds once enflaved thus, the fetters of minifterial tyranny will be easily forced upon their perfons. The effence of freedom confists in freemen engraving on their minds these great principles of liberty, that it is lawful to maintain their privileges in the field against all gainfayers: that their rights ought to be supported by the last drop of their blood; and, that every, even the fmalleft intentional infringement, of those rights, is an infufferable evil. Whenever they permit these principles to be erafed from their breasts, they funk into a difpirited people; unworthy of retaining their inestimable possessions, because unable to cherish the generous purpose of defending them :--The noble tenure which their ancestors gloried in !-In fuch a cafe, they might probably become martyrs for liberty, but could never poffibly become the affertors of it. Since, then, the retention of their honourable characteristic, and all that is dear to freemen, depend upon their military temper, and thofe principles that are productive of that courage which is the basis of their freedom, they ought, for ever to be familiarizing themfelves with ideas of fo important a nature; engraving them ftill deeper and deeper in their minds; impreffing them on those of their children, and fearching into the annals of their country to see how their progenitors behaved, when they were curfed with adminiftrations that harboured the most fatal defigns, evinced by the most public attacks, upon the liberties of the people : That, ordering their conduct by their example, they may be able to "thun those fnares that the tyranny of ministers may attempt to lay for their undoing; and, like them, tranfmit to after-generations, an unbroken conflitution, and inestimable laws. The HILE liberty is maintained, and ous and dangerous to a free nation, by so When a Stuart is a king or a minister, W juftice impartially diftributed, by a Stuart, must be a ministry of flaves, the people can have no inducement to contend, or break with their rulers; nor is it admiffable, that, in fuch a cale, the multitude can unite in oppofition; becaufe, there is then no common principle which can incite them to action. But it is otherwife with minifiers in general. It is always their interest to aim at a state of independence in respect to the nation itfelf, and then they can only have the frowns of him to prevent or withstand, whom (as having no guile in himfeif, can fufpect none in others) they have the art to mislead at their pleasure. We ought not, therefore, to imagine of miniiters, in general, that they can be kept in their duty without a proper coercion. Few kingdoms can glory in a Temple, or exult in a Pitt! and fewer ftill can boat of being bleft, for any confiderable time, with thofe upright administrations, as are confequent of the employing of men of fuch patriot principles, and fuch fingular integrity! - In treating, therefore, of minifters, and the means of preferving our liberties against ministerial attempts to fubdue them, we must not take a view of them merely as minifters generally are, but muft enlarge the profpect, and confider them as this nation has always found them to be under the Stuarts: and as it always will find them, when a Stuart has any influence in an English admini. ftration; be it as mafter, minifter, appointer, or recommender. In this light, we are warranted by experience, to declare them to be, men by intereft engaged, and by paffion invited to ftrip us of our freedom. A Stuart will not, a Stuart cannot be, neither will, nor can he, appoint, or recommend, a minifter of another ftamp. Stubborn facts, indifputable proofs, furnish us with this character of Stuart-kings and Stuart-minifters, and the people must be mad indeed, not to be upon their guard, and to fear every thing that is to be feared, from a specie of minifters and minifter-makers, rendered odi and the tools of oppreffion. Slaves to At fuch a time, too, as this, rambles inluperable Spectability of their offices, and facrificed the eftates which established the present their characters, to the ambitious views conflitution of this realm. of the then tyrannical court of St. James's. But how long did this tranquil face of things continue? fcarcely two years. An inceffant reiteration of the fame injuries that had kindled the general difcontent at firft, foon lighted up thofe flames in which the oppreffive courtiers of thofe days, all perifhed to a man; and even dragged along with them, their unhappy matter. The people of England are too fenfible of their rights, and too tenacious of their privileges, ever to fuffer minifterial attempts upon their liberties to pass with impunity. Their patience, their regard for the peace of their country, and their duty to their fuperiors, have always engaged them to fufpend, for a while, the effects of their refentment against the minifter who tyrannized over them. They have never rushed into the field whilt there was (and, I trust, never will whilst there is) a fingle ray of hope remaining, of otherwife extricating their country from the difficulties furrounding her. But no dangers, I hope, will ever terrify them from preferving with the fword (fo foon as all other means of fafety fail) thofe liberties that were purchaled by it. And here it may be worthy remarking, that liberty when attacked, is, like every thing elfe, beft retained by thofe means that first fet it up. The ancestors of the English acquired their immunities with their fwords in their hands. Whenever thofe immunities were violently broken in upon, and no redrefs attained by remonstrances, they righted themselves in the field. Are there, who affirm this to be unlawful! tell me then the difference between an enflaved and a free nation?-the diftinction between an abfolute and a limited government?If freemen have no rights which they are entitled to maintain by the fword (all other means availing nothing) then it is plain they have no rights but what they may be thripped of by a Laud, a Stafford, a Jefferies, or a B * If we condemn the ufe of the fword, in fupporting the privileges of freemen (when thus fituated) we must condemn the barons that obtained the magna charta of England, the armed parliaments in which it was confirmed, the great men who effected the revolution, and the meeting of The fundamental principle of a free constitution is, that there is no power within it, that can legally deprive the fubjects of their birthrights, and that the latter may lawfully defend those rights with their fwords, against any power that fhall attempt any infringement of them. So foon as they lofe fight of this principle, they will cease to be freemen. Their minds once enflaved thus, the fetters of minifterial tyranny will be easily forced upon their perfons. The effence of freedom confilts in freemen engraving on their minds these great principles of liberty, that it is lawful to maintain their privileges in the field a gainft all gainfayers: that their rights ought to be fupported by the last drop of their blood; and, that every, even the fmalleft intentional infringement, of those rights, is an infufferable evil. Whenever they permit these principles to be erafed from their breasts, they funk into a difpirited people; unworthy of retaining their inestimable poffeffions, because unable to cherish the generous purpose of defending them :-- The noble tenure which their ancestors gloried in!-In fuch a cafe, they might probably become martyrs for liberty, but could never poffibly become the affertors of it. Since, then, the retention of their honourable characteristic, and all that is dear to freemen, depend upon their military temper, and thofe principles that are productive of that courage which is the bafis of their freedom, they ought, for ever to be familiarizing themfelves with ideas of fo important a nature; engraving them till deeper and deeper in their minds; impreffing them on those of their children, and fearching into the annals of their country to fee how their progenitors behaved, when they were curfed with adminiftrations that harboured the most fatal designs, evinced by the most public attacks, upon the liberties of the people: That, ordering their conduct by their example, they may be able to fhun those fnares that the tyranny of minifters may attempt to lay for their undoing; and, like them, tranfmit to after-generations, an unbroken conflitution, and inestimable laws. The |