danger of a popish fucceffor, from any steps of the prefent miniftry, is an artificial calumny, raised and spread against the conviction of the inventors, pretended to be believed only by those, who abhor the conftitution in church and ftate; an obdurate faction, who compafs heaven and earth to reftore themselves upon the ruin of their country; yet here our author exhorts the clergy to preach up his imaginary danger to their people, and disturb the public peace with his ftrained feditious comments.

But how comes this gracious licence to the clergy from the whigs to concern themselves with politicks of any fort, although it be only the gloffes and comments of Mr. Steele? The fpeeches of the managers at Sacheverel's trial, particularly those of Stanhope, Lechmere, King, Parker [g], and fome others, feemed to deliver a different doctrine. Nay, this very dedication complains of fome in holy orders, who have made the conflitution of their country (in which and the coptick Mr. Steele is equally skilled) a very little part of their Audy, and yet made obedience and government the frequent fubjects of their difcourfes. This difficulty is eafily folved; for by politicks they mean obedience. Mr. Hoadley [b], who is a champion for refiftance, was never charged with meddling out of his function: Hugh Peters, and his brethren, in the times of ufurpation, had

[g] Thefe perfons were created peers by king George I.

[b] Doctor Benjamin Hoadley, created bishop of Banger by king George I. in 1715, tranflated to Hereford in 1721, to Salifury in 1723, and to Winchester in 1734.

full liberty to preach up fedition and rebellion; and fo here Mr. Steele iffues out his licence to the clergy to preach up the danger of a popish pretender, in defiance of the QUEEN and her administration.

Every whiffler in a laced coat, who frequents the chocolate-house, and is able to fpell the title of a pamphlet, fhall talk of the conftitution with as much plaufibility as this very folemn writer; and, with as good a grace, blame the clergy for meddling with politicks, which they do no understand. I have known many of these able politicians furnished, before they were of age, with all the neceffary topicks of their faction, and by the help of about twenty polyfyllables capable of maintaining an argument, that would shine in The Grifts; whose author gathered up his little stock from the fame schools, and hath written from no other fund.

But, after all, it is not clear to me, whether this gentleman addreffeth himself to the clergy of England in general, or only to thofe very few (hardly enough, in cafe of a change, to supply the mortality of those felf-denying prelates he celebrates) who are in his principles, and among these only fuch as live in and about London; which probably will reduce the number to about half a dozen at moft. I should incline to guess the latter; because he tells them they are furrounded by a learned, wealthy, knowing gentry, who know with what firmness, self-denial, and charity, the bishops adhered to the public caufe, and what contumelies thofe clergymen

have undergone, &c. who adhered to the cause of truth. By thofe terms, the public caufe, and the caufe of truth, he understands the cause of the whigs, in oppofition to the QUEEN and her fervants : therefore, by the learned, wealthy, and knowing gentry, he must understand the Bank and Eaft-India company, and thofe other merchants or citizens within the bills of mortality, who have been ftrenuous against the church and crown, and whofe fpirit of faction hath lately got the better of their intereft. For let him fearch all the reft of the kingdom, he will find the furrounded clergy, and the furrounding gentry, wholly ftrangers to the merits of those prelates, and adhering to a very different cause of truth, as will foon, I hope, be manifeft, by a fair appeal to the representatives of both.

It was very unneceffary in this writer to bespeak the treatment of contempt and derifion, which the clergy are to expect from his faction, whenever they come into power. I believe, that venerable body is in very little concern after what manner their moft mortal enemies intend to treat them, whenever it fhall please God, for our fins, to vifit us with fo fatal an event; which, I hope, it will be the united endeavours both of clergy and laity to hinder. It will be fome fupport to this hope, if I could have any opinion of his predicting talent (which fome have ascribed to people of this author's character) where he tells us, that noife and wrath will not always pass for zeal. What other inftances of zeal hath this gentleman, or the rest

of

of his party, been able to produce? If clamour be noife, it is but opening our ears to know from what fide it comes; and, if fedition, fcurrility, flander and calumny be the fruit of wrath, read the pamphlets and papers iffuing from the zealots of that faction, or vifit their clubs and coffee-houses, in order to form a judgment of the tree.

When Mr. Steele tells us, we have a religion that wants no support from the enlargement of fecular power, but is well fupported by the wisdom and piety of its preachers, and its own native truth; it would be good to know what religion he profeffeth: for the clergy, to whom he speaks, will never allow him a member of the church of England. They cannot agree that the truth of the gospel, and the piety and wisdom of its preachers, are a fufficient fupport, in an evil age, against infidelity, faction, and vice, without the affiftance of fecular power; unfefs God would please to confer the gift of miracles on those who wait at the altar. I believe they venture to go a little further, and think, that, upon fome occafions, they want a little enlargement of affiftance from the fecular power against atheists,deifts, focinians, and other hereticks. Every firft Sunday in Lent, a part of the liturgy is read to the people, in the preface to which the church declares her wishes for the reftoring of that difcipline fhe formerly had, and which, for fome years paft, hath been more wanted than ever. But of this no more, left it might infinuate jealoufies between the clergy and laity; which, the author tells us, is the C 3

policy

policy of vain and ambitious men among the former, in hopes to derive, from their order, a veneration they cannot deferve from their virtue. If this be their method for procuring veneration, it is the most fingular that ever was thought on; and the clergy would then indeed have no more to do with politicks of any fort, than Mr. Steele or his faction will allow them.

Having thus toiled through his dedication, I proceed to confider his preface, which, half confifting of quotation, will be fo much the fooner got through. It is a very unfair thing in any writer to employ his ignorance and malice together; because it gives his anfwerer double work: it is like the fort of fophiftry that the logicians call two mediums, which are never allowed in the fame fyllogifm. A writer with a weak head, and a corrupt heart, is an over-match for any fingle pen; like a hireling jade, dull and vicious, hardly able to ftir, yet offering at every turn to kick.

He begins his preface with fuch an account of the original of power, and the nature of civil inftitutions, as, I am confident, was never once imagined by any writer upon government, from Plato to Mr. Locke. Give me leave to tranfcribe his first paragraph, I never faw an unruly crowd of people cool by degrees into temper, but it gave me an idea of the original of power, and the nature of civil institutions. One particular man has ufually, in thofe cafes, from the dignity of his appearance, or other qualities known or imagined by the multitude, been re