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College having shewn itself among a part of the Proprietors, it may not appear very wonderful after what has already been stated respecting the peculiar relations in which that institution is placed. No reflection is here intended on the motives either of the leaders or of the ostensible participants in the late opposition;—but, when it is recollected with what acrimony the press bore a part in the attack,—when it is remembered that moral charges of the most formidable sound were brought forward in the public papers, charges which were at least said to have been originally urged in the Court of Proprietors, charges so confidently stated that they could not fail to produce a temporary effect on the public, as we must acknowledge they did on us, and when it is further remembered that, for these charges, under the strongest and most direct defiance, not one responsible person would stand forward to vouch, and that, in proof of them, not a single fact was produced or even suggested,—it is difficult not to allow some weight to the conjecture of Mr. Malthus, that personal interests bore a considerable, though a very prudent, share in thickening this conflict, and swelling the clamour by which it was attended.

Our only purpose, however, in adverting to these public discussions, is one strictly comprised within the scope of our present plan. This is, we believe, the first time that the regulations, the discipline, and the internal occurrences of a place of education, have been made the subject of debate in a popular assembly at no great distance. The circumstance is so singular, that, had not our strictures already exceeded all bounds, we should have been tempted to remark on it very particularly. Can it really be supposed an auspicious provision for the good government of a seminary of youth, that its domestic concerns, and especially that matters in contest between master and pupil, should not only be thrown open to the public, but should be brought warm into an arena of rhetorical disputation, and should be discussed with those inflammatory topics which, happily for the interests of British oratory, are never wanting even in a parish vestry? Conceive only that the subject is agitated at a moment when the institution concerned may happen to be disturbed by a casual spirit of insubordination ;—conceive further, that the suppression of the establishment is the avowed object of some of the disputants;-conceive lastly, that the substance of the debate is blazoned in the public prints of the following morning, for the benefit of all whom it may concern, not excepting the students:-and we are clear that there can be but one opinion as to the expediency of such an arrangement. There is no seminary, the discipline of which, under some circumstances, it might not shake to the very foundation.

Whether or not this evil can by any means be wholly eradicated

from

from the constitution of the India College, we pretend not to say; but there is one antidote against it, which, though it may not amount to a complete cure, seems at least capable of obviating its worst effects. Let the institution receive from the proper authorities (and, we cannot doubt, it will) a support so cordial, constant, liberal, and unhesitating, as may fix, both on the public mind and on the minds of the students, a persuasion of its unalterable stability. When once a rooted belief prevails that it is invulnerable, the darts of the enemy will cease to be directed against it, or, if thrown, will fall blunted. For all institutions in the nature of governments, live partly on opinion, and are really strong when they are strong in reputation. Meanwhile, we cannot help observing, that much may for a time depend on the principles and dispositions of the students. During the dreadfully tempestuous weather which took place soon after the erection of the Eddistone Light-house, it was said, that if the building lasted through that storm, it would last till doomsday. With some abatement of the sentiment, we may in like manner observe, that if the tranquillity of the India College is not affected by the tempest of the recent controversy, very sanguine hopes may be entertained of its future continuance. If the minds of the students are not unsettled by the commotion of such discussions,-discussions involving the very existence of the institution, we may trust that no excitements will prove too strong for them to resist.

It is, indeed, impossible to contemplate the situation of the young men collected at this establishment, the pride and the hope of so many families,-without a sensation of deep interest. They are placed in a position, certainly, of great singularity; but, if they duly reflect on their own privileges-(sua si bona nôrint)—they must feel it to be also one of great advantage. Destined to a sphere of life, embracing civil and political offices of conspicuous importance and dignity, they are furnished with an admirable opportunity of founding their public character on a basis of liberal knowledge, and of mental and moral cultivation. These are the true elements of public men; this is the proper armoury from which the statesman and the patriot should be equipped. So thought the philosophers of old; and the opinion is expressed by one of them in a passage of so much truth, good sense, and eloquence, that we cannot forbear transcribing it. Let it only be remembered that the sentiments this passage contains may now be adopted with much more than their original force; since revealed religion has added elevation and consistency to the character of ethical philosophy, bestowing on its preceptive department a richness, and on its sanctions an authority, wholly unknown to ancient times :—

'I deem those men' (says Plutarch) to have attained the perfection

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fection of the human character, who can unite and temper the power of managing public affairs with the cultivation of philosophy. Such persons appear to me to possess two blessings of the highest order; on the one hand, they fulfil that part of general usefulness which belongs to a public capacity, while, on the other, they enjoy that life of calm and unruffled serenity which is the fruit of philosophical studies. In effect, a life of action, a life of speculation, and a life of indulgence, constitute all the varieties of human condition; of these three modes of existence, that which is occupied in pleasure and devoted to dissolute enjoyment, is irrational and degrading; the speculative life, if it falls short of action, produces no benefit to society; the active, if unadorned by philosophy, totally wants grace, elevation, and harmony. Let it, therefore, be the object of our earnest endeavours to combine the service of the commonwealth with so much attention to the study of philosophy, as our leisure will permit. Such was the practice of Pericles during his political life; such was that of Archytas of Tarentum; such was that of Dion of Syracuse and Epaminondas of Thebes, both of them the disciples of Plato."

Like all persons intended for offices of an arduous and important nature, the youths at the India college should learn to entertain high and honourable thoughts of their destination. They should conceive greatly of their lot; and it will then become all they can think it. For surely that is no mean or inglorious vocation which selects them as the channels of communication between the most favoured people that ever enjoyed sovereignty, and the mightiest empire that ever paid tribute. They are, in early youth, advanced to an anticipated maturity, in order that they may be premature in usefulness and in honour. They are separated from their country; but it is a consecration, not a banishment. It is a separation which divides them from her geographical existence, only by sending them forth to a distant world, as the heralds of her fame, the delegates of her power, the ministers of her justice, and the almoners of her beneficence. This is not to be separated from their country, but to carry her with them; in carrying with them all her moral being

* The original is so untranslateable, at least by any skill of ours, that we cannot help subjoining it.— Τελείους δὲ ἀνθρώπους ἡγουμαι τοὺς δυναμένους τὴν πολιτικὴν δύναμιν μίξαι καὶ κεράσαι τῇ φιλοσοφίᾳ· καὶ δυοῖν ὄντοιν μεγίστοιν ἀγαθοῖν ἐπηβόλους ὑπάρχειν ὑπολαμβάνω, τοῦ τε κοινωφελους βίου, πολιτευομένους, του τε ἀκύμονος και γαληνοῦ, διατρίβοντας περὶ φιλοσοφίαν. Τριῶν γὰρ ὄντων βίων, ὧν ὁ μέν ἐστι πρακτικὸς, ὁ δὲ θεωρητικὸς, ὁ δὲ ἀπολαυστικός· ὁ μὲν ἔκλυτος και δοῦλος τῶν ἡδονῶν, ζωώδης και μικροπρεπής ἐστιν· ὁ δὲ θεωρητικὸς, τοῦ πρακτικοῦ διαμαρτάνων, ανωφελής· ὁ δὲ πρακτικὸς, αμοίρησας φιλοσοφίας, ἄμουσος καὶ πλημμελής. Πειρατέον οὖν ἐις δύναμιν και τὰ κοινὰ πράττειν, και τῆς φιλοσοφίας αντιλαμβάνεσθαι κατὰ τὸ παρεῖκον τῶν καιρῶν. Θὕτως ἑπολιτεύσατο Περικλῆς, ὅντως Αρχύτας ὁ Ταραντῖνος, ὅντως Δίων ὁ Συρακόυσιος, ὅντως Επαμινώνδας ὁ Θηβαῖος· ὧν ἐκάτερος Πλάτωνος εγένετο συνουσιαστής.—περὶ πάιδων ἀγωγῆς, ὁ.

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and beauty. They are separated from their father's house,—it is the dark half of their splendid privilege; and yet that removal cannot be said to inflict an unmitigated sacrifice, which, amidst the first glow and pliancy of their juvenile affections, and warm from the happiness of the domestic abode, transports them into the bosom of a larger and a more helpless family; which gives them, for a home, the scene of high and beneficial services; for a social circle, the circle of arduous and philanthropic duties; and, for the delightful converse of 'brother, and sister, and mother,' the prayers of the dependent and the benedictions of the grateful. They are translated into a new world; and perhaps their residence for the greater part of life may exclusively be thrown among races of men with whom they have no community, either of taste, manners, habits, opinions, or religion. But they should remember that it is in such moral wildernesses as these, that the amplest opportunities of active and honourable utility are to be found, which the condition of human life affords; the richest sources of duties to be performed and distinctions to be earned; the sequestered and difficult, but deep springs of real happiness and solid glory. This indeed is a banishment which the truly illustrious of all ages would have preferred before the most towering and the most brilliant march of conquest. -'Hâc arte Pollux, hâc vagus Hercules.' It is the pilgrimage of the benefactors of mankind; the triumphal exile of heroes.

On the supposition that these ideas should generally, or in a great measure, be acted upon,—and surely, we may trust that the supposition is not preposterous, no spectacle more august or more delightful can be conceived, than that of Great Britain annually pouring forth fresh supplies of her youth as the dispensers of her parental bounty to the people of India. There are parts of our Indian system which may be expected ever to divide opinion. There are passages in the history of British India, over which the moralist may perhaps pause; and there are omens in its present state, which the political philosopher may perhaps find it hard to decipher. The nature and the circumstances of that empire are too singular to be contemplated by an enlightened and a reflective mind, without a measure of seriousness and of perplexity. England, launched on the scene of India, seems to resemble one of her own vessels traversing the mighty sea which washes that continent. The billows are bright, the skies cloudless, and all ocean appears to crouch beneath the meteor-flag' with willing submission. But, while a superficial observer feels only the contagion of the general delight and gaiety, the reflections of a deeper spirit are grave even to seriousness. The apparent loneliness and insignificance of the proud vessel amidst such a world of waters; the immeasurable expanse around; the unsounded secrets of the abyss below; the quivering

sensibility

sensibility of the boundless element to influences uncontroulable by man,-its vast power, magnified by imagination to immensity; the very repose and quietness of such mighty and mysterious strength; and, not least, the recollection that, beneath this smiling surface, lie ingulphed the remains of navies which once displayed their banners as gallantly and prosperously as ourselves;—such considerations as these excite a sentiment in a high degree solemn, profound, and affecting. The application of the image is obvious: yet, whatever doubts or differences of opinion the contemplation of Indian affairs may awaken; whatever sadness in the retrospect, or alarm in the anticipation; the view has one spot too bright not to be observed with a feeling of general and of unmingled satisfaction. Our past and our still-increasing efforts for the happiness of the Indian people,-these constitute at once our hope and our triumph. These are our real glory in the present season of our brightness and prosperity; and, should the monsoon break up and the hurricane arise, these will form our strongest and most abiding anchor. To confirm and to multiply these honourable defences; to furnish ourselves with still deeper holds on the affections of our subjects; to surround ourselves with the safeguards of esteem and benevolence; let no endeavours be wanting, no exertions of counsel or of action be left untried: for we may rest assured that by labour alone can such an object be effectually accomplished. The attachment of dependent millions is among the choicest blessings of Heaven; but it is not one of those blessings which Heaven is pleased equally to shower down on the just and the unjust. It is the prize of virtuous toil; the reward exclusively appropriated to a persevering course of careful justice, provident generosity, and laborious beneficence. It is not a tribute to be levied, but a recompense to be earned. If we would, according to the expression of the poet, 'read our history in a nation's eyes,' we must first be content to write it in their hearts.

ART. VI. The Round Table: a Collection of Essays on Literature, Men and Manners. By William Hazlitt. Two vols. 12mo. Edinburgh and London. 1817.

WHATEVER may have been the preponderating feelings with

which we closed these volumes, we will not refuse our acknowledgments to Mr. Hazlitt for a few mirthful sensations which he has enabled us to mingle with the rest, by the hint that his Essays were meant to be in the manner of the Spectator and Tatler. The passage in which this is conveyed happened to be nearly the last to which we turned; and we were about to rise from the Round Table' heavily oppressed with a

recollection

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