things were said. Accordingly, the librarian at Buckinghamhouse invited Johnson to see that elegant collection of books, at the same time giving a hint of what was intended'. His Majesty entered the room; and, among other things, asked the author, 'If he meant to give the world any more of his compositions?' Johnson answered, 'That he thought he had written enough.' 'And I should think so too,' replied his Majesty, 'if you had not written so well '.' Though Johnson thought he had written enough, his genius, even in spite of bodily sluggishness, could not lie still. In 1770 we find him entering the lists as a political writer. The flame of discord that blazed throughout the nation on the expulsion of Mr. Wilkes, and the final determination of the House of Commons, that Mr. Luttrell was duly elected by 2063 votes against 1143, spread a general spirit of discontent. To allay the tumult, Dr. Johnson published The False Alarm. Mrs. Piozzi informs us, 'That this pamphlet was written at her house, between eight o'clock on Wednesday night and twelve on Thursday night. This celerity has appeared wonderful to many, and some have doubted the truth 5. It may, however, be placed within the bounds of probability. Johnson has observed that there are different methods of composition. Virgil was used to pour out a great number of verses in the morning, and pass the day in retrenching the exuberances, and correcting inaccuracies; and it was Pope's custom to write his first thoughts in his first words, and gradually to amplify, decorate, rectify, and refine them. Others employ at once memory and invention, and, with little intermediate use of the pen, form and polish large masses by continued meditation, and write their productions only, when, in their opinion, they have completed them. This last was Johnson's method. He never took his pen in hand till he had weighed well his subject, and grasped in his mind the sentiments, the train of argument, and the arrangement of the whole. As he often thought aloud, he had, perhaps, talked it over to himself. This may account for that rapidity with which, in general, he dispatched his sheets to the press, without being at the trouble of a fair copy'. Whatever may be the logic or eloquence of The False Alarm, the House of Commons have since erased the resolution from the Journals. But whether they have not left materials for a future controversy may be made a question. In 1771 he published another tract, on the subject of FALKLAND ISLANDS. The design was to shew the impropriety of going to war with Spain for an island thrown aside from human use, stormy in winter, and barren in summer 3. For this work it is apparent that materials were furnished by direction of the minister *. At the approach of the general election in 1774, he wrote a short discourse, called THE PATRIOT, not with any visible application to Mr. Wilkes ; but to teach the people to reject the leaders of the opposition, who called themselves patriots. In 1775 he undertook a pamphlet of more importance, namely, Taxation no Tyranny, in answer to the Resolutions and Address of the American Congress. The scope of the argument was, that distant colonies, which had, in their assemblies, a legislature of their own, were, notwithstanding, liable to be taxed in a British Parliament, where they had neither peers in one house, nor representatives in the other. He was of opinion, that this country was strong enough to enforce obedience. When an 2 Ib. ii. 112. 3 5 Ib. ii. 286. Wilkes is mentioned Murphy quotes the pamphlet. in it. Works, vi. 216. Works, vi. 198. • Life, ii. 312. Englishman, Englishman, he says, 'is told that the Americans shoot up like the hydra, he naturally considers how the hydra was destroyed '.' The event has shewn how much he and the minister of that day were mistaken. The Account of the Tour to the Western Islands of Scotland, which was undertaken in the autumn of 1773, in company with Mr. Boswell, was not published till some time in the year 17752. This book has been variously received; by some extolled for the elegance of the narrative, and the depth of observation on life and manners; by others, as much condemned, as a work of avowed hostility to the Scotch nation3. The praise was, beyond all question, fairly deserved; and the censure, on due examination, will appear hasty and ill-founded. That Johnson entertained some prejudices against the Scotch, must not be dissembled. It is true, as Mr. Boswell says, that he thought their success in England [rather] exceeded their proportion of real merit, and he could not but see in them that nationality which [I believe] no liberal-minded Scotsman will deny"? The author of these memoirs well remembers, that Johnson one day asked him, 'Have you observed the difference between your own country impudence and Scottish impudence?' The answer being in the negative: 'Then I will tell you,' said Johnson. The impudence of an Irishman is the impudence of a fly, that buzzes about you, and you put it away, but it returns again, and flutters and teazes you. The impudence of a Scotsman is the impudence of a leech, that fixes and sucks your blood. Upon another occasion, this writer went with him into the shop of Davies the on to tell how two Englishmen, arriving at Tunbridge Wells, got shaved by a barber of the place, whom their Scotch companion declined to employ. They heard the waiter whisper to him, "Sir, I have found a Scotch barber," to which he replied, "Oh! very good, let him walk in."' 5 Life, ii. 307; iv. 12. bookseller, bookseller, in Russel-street, Covent-garden. Davies came running to him almost out of breath with joy: 'The Scots gentleman is come, Sir; his principal wish is to see you; he is now in the back-parlour.' 'Well, well, I'll see the gentleman,' said Johnson. He walked towards the room. Mr. Boswell was the person. This writer followed with no small curiosity. I find,' said Mr. Boswell,' that I am come to London at a bad time, when great popular prejudice has gone forth against us North Britons; but when I am talking to you, I am talking to a large and liberal mind, and you know that I cannot help coming from Scotland.' 'Sir,' said Johnson, 'no more can the rest of your countrymen '.' He had other reasons that helped to alienate him from the natives of Scotland. Being a cordial well-wisher to the constitution in Church and State, he did not think that Calvin and John Knox 2 were proper founders of a national religion. He made, however, a wide distinction between the Dissenters of Scotland 3 ''Mr. Murphy, in his Essay on the Life and Genius of Dr. Johnson, has given an account of this meeting considerably different from mine, I am persuaded without any consciousness of errour. His memory, at the end of nearly thirty years, has undoubtedly deceived him, and he supposes himself to have been present at a scene, which he has probably heard inaccurately described by others. In my note taken on the very day, in which I am confident I marked every thing material that passed, no mention is made of this gentleman; and I am sure, that I should not have omitted one so well known in the literary world.' Life, i. 391, n. 4. Boswell's account is as follows:'Mr. Davies mentioned my name, and respectfully introduced me to him. I was much agitated; and recollecting his prejudice against the Scotch, of which I had heard much, I said to Davies, "Don't tell where I come from."-"From Scotland," The President of St. John's College, Oxford, remembers a London merchant named Lindsey, who, on being introduced to Johnson, told him that he came from Scotland. 'There is no need to tell me that,' was the reply. Life, v. 61. 2 3 By 'the Dissenters of Scotland' Murphy means not the Episcopalians nor the Roman Catholics, but the members of the Established Church. Johnson was intolerant enough to refuse to attend the parish-church at Auchinleck. Ib. v. 384. Of Dr. Robertson he said: 'I will hear him if he will get up into a tree and preach; but I will not give a sanction by my presence to a Presbyterian assembly.' Ib. v. 121. For an and To the former he imputed no and the Separatists of England. disaffection, no want of loyalty. had shed their blood with zeal and courage in the service of Great Britain; and the people, he used to say, were content with their own established modes of worship, without wishing, in the present age, to give any disturbance to the Church of England. This he was at all times ready to admit; and therefore declared, that whenever he found a Scotchman to whom an Englishman was as a Scotchman, that Scotchman should be as an Englishman to him. In this, surely, there was no rancour, no malevolence. The Dissenters on this side the Tweed appeared to him in a different light. Their religion, he frequently said, was too worldly, too political, too restless and ambitious. The doctrine of cashiering kings, and erecting on the ruins of the constitution a new form of government, which lately issued from their pulpits, he always thought was, under a calm disguise, the principle that lay lurking in their hearts. He knew that a wild democracy had overturned King, Lords, and Commons; and that a set of Republican Fanatics, who would not bow at the name of JESUS, had taken possession of all the livings and all the parishes in the kingdom3. That those scenes of horror might never be renewed, was the ardent wish of Dr. Johnson; and though he apprehended no danger from Scotland, it is probable that his dislike of Calvinism mingled sometimes with his reflections on the natives of that country. The association of ideas could not be easily broken; but it is well known that he loved and respected many gentlemen from that part of the island. Dr. Robertson's History of Scotland, and Dr. Beattie's |