confideration. We hall from time to time fuggeft fuch obfervations as may fhew how inaccurately a great proportion of the facts have been collected; and it furnifhes no weak argument against the whole mafs, unauthenticated as it is, if we find a confiderable part at variance with accurate information, or repugnant to the unquestionable principles of reafoning.

The Introduction confifts of a few general remarks upon the progrefs of nations, from weaknefs to maturity, and on the means of arrefting their retrograde motion. In the early ages of fociety, men are easily roufed to martial purfuits, and, as aggreffion is generally attended with fuccefs, their conquefts are rapid and extenfive. Arrived at a certain pitch of greatness, when offenfive meafures are no longer neceffary to fecure independence, they are apt to be fatisfied with the power already acquired, and their rulers are flattered with the ideas of enjoying in peace and fafety the prefent extent of dominion. This period, ufually denominated the maturity of the state, our author regards as the most critical ftage of its existence. To the activity and energy by which the height was gained, a dangerous indolence aud effeminacy fucceeds; and, after a momentary pause, a rapid and univerfal depravation Begins to fpread. Who, he demands, fhall check this evil, and fave the nation? The rulers partake in, and profit by the general corruption of the people; and the effort, which is too great for their virtues or their talents, is, in others, deemed patriotifm, only if fuccefsful; and if it fails, is denominated rebellion. But, in monarchies rightly conftituted, there is an exception to the rule. Hereditary fovereigns are hereditary patriots; their only good lies in the profperity of their people. When all ranks are funk in apathy and vice, a patriot king retains the power of faving and reftoring the nation. He has only to use his authority according to the dictates of his real interefts; for

fuch a government will always have the will, the physical and moral powers of the nation at its unconditional difpofal. With these to con folidate the rank and profperity of a ouce independent ftate, it is only neceffary to make the wealth of the nation the fpring of national in daftry, and combine enjoyment with morality, fo as to make both flimulas to public fpirit and national improvement. ' p. 6.

If, by this introductory differtation, our author means to illuftrate the affertion, that a nation cannot remain stationary, but must be either on the advance or decline, we are little difpofcd to dispute with him, except as to the method which he has taken to prove it. For it does not appear how external caufes muft neceffarily operate the downfal of a community as foon as it has reached a certain pitch of grandeur; and, ftill lefs, how a ftate of repofe from aggreffive warfare fhould neceffarily be fatal to the

internal

internal profperity and the independence of the people. On the other hand, we are at a lofs to imagine how even an hereditary and patriot king could regenerate a people fo deplorably funk in effeminacy and vice as he fuppofes; or from what foreign region fuch a fovereign is, in this pofture of affairs, to fummon all the refpect, experience, vigorous integrity, and known talents,' with which he is by a fingle nod of command' to fill the public functions of the ftate.

The Sketch' commences with fome declamation against that mutual jealousy which has fo long divided nations, and more efpecially the cabinets of their rulers; which has converted politics into the art of tricking, has perpetuated wars, and drained countries of their useful hands, while it loaded them with oppreffive taxes. Induftry, he maintains, has thus been burthened in the lower orders, and enjoyment abridged in the higher. Univerfal discontent with the ruling powers has arisen from the grounds which they have afforded to popular murmurs; and not from the writings of fpeculative malcontents, who, but for the errors of practical ftate finen, would have had no materials upon which to work. Our author next lays it down as indifputable, that the mastery of the European continent is now divided between Ruffia and France; the former ruling either directly or indirectly the north and the eaft; the latter poffeffing the fame influence or sway over the west and the fouth. If thefe great powers unite, nothing in our hemifphere can withstand them. Auftria and Pruffia, while independent of each other, may be allowed to remain nominally independent of Ruflia and France; but the moment of their union, if we rightly comprehend the author, will be the fignal of their deftruction. The plan of these sketches is, therefore, to confider the prefent refources and views, first of France, and then of Ruffia; and to point out their relations towards Great Britain.

I. To hear of the immenfe natural refources of France, is unhappily far from being a novelty. Our author's calculations, however, both of their prefent extent and their probable improvement, are constructed on a fweeping fpecies of arithmetic, to which we are not altogether accustomed. Previous to the Revolution, it seems, only two fifths of the land fufceptible of culture were in cultivation; and the fyftem of management to which that portion was fubjected, only produced a third of what ordinary good husbandry might have obtained. Even under this management, however, we are told that the government drew eight millions Sterling from the produce of agriculture, and the church as much. The whole burdens upon the produce of agriculture, amounted to twenty-one millions, and this may be increafed at leaft

a million; to which eight may be added for duty on the confumption of thofe detached from the foil, but living by its produce; and a territorial revenue of 30 millions will thus be eafily raised,: after abating two fevenths of the burdens impofed by the old government.

Upon all this we have two remarks to offer.-In the first place, how did the author discover that just two fifths, and no more, of the arable land in France was in cultivation, and that this portion was managed exactly fo as to produce one third of what ordinary husbandry might have drawn from the ground? In other words, how did he find out that precifely two fifteenthswere raised of the produce which might and fhould have been raised; and that, of course, a territorial revenue of above 157 millions Sterling might have been collected, had the foil been only tolerably well managed? But, fecondly, we perceive he has committed an obvious mistake in estimating the rife which may be, expected in the territorial revenue. When he at first talks of excife on the consumption of those whofe manufactures and trade are fupported by agricultural produce, we do not clearly fee his meaning; but as he fpecifies this branch of revenue under the name of a territorial impoft, and as he afterwards, in confirming his eftimate by a detail of the old revenue, enumerates the barrier duties under the name of excife and confumption duties, we perceive that the eight millions which are to arife from the confumption of thofe who manufacture agricultural produce are to come from a direct impoft upon the tranfit of that produce. A great allowance fhould therefore have been made in eitimating the file of this tranfit duty; because the government is fuppofed to come into the place of the church and crown with refpect to annexed lands; and this duty is one which must fall immediately upon It will not diminish either the vingtiemes or tithes; but it must be deducted from the profits of domains which accrue to the ftate, not as tribute, but as rent.

lf we were required to point out a fpecimen of our author's deficiency in general views, proportioned to this rafhnefs in calculation, we fhould refer to his unqualified and dogmatical affertion, that the firft ftep neceffary for the agricultural improvement of the republic, is entirely, and at all times, to prohibit the exportation of corn. This amounts, in the prefent day, we conceive, to a downright contradiction in terms. We might alfo mention his idea of a just land-tax, which, he fays, ought not to be proportioned to the rental, for that is fallacious-or to the produce, for that would be unjust-but fixed by a cadaftre made upon actual furvey' of the quality of each acre.. Such a method of raising a tax, we imagine, would not only be in the highest degree YOL. IV. NO. 7. expenfive,

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expenfive, but it would either be unjust or arbitrary. It would be unjust, if the affeffment were made according to the quality of the foil, by an abfolute and univerfal ftandard, becaufe a man would then pay for the indolence, or ignorance, or poverty of his predeceffors. It would be extremely arbitrary, if it were laid on by a fluctuating rule, because this muft vary with the pleasure of the affeffors, who must of courfe repeat, every year, their furvey and valuation. We fhall, however, proceed to the other lights in which the refources of France are viewed.

From the confequences of the revolution, our author prognofticates a great improvement and extenfion of manufacturing induftry. The ancient prejudices against this branch of employment are done away; the deftruction of paper has fecured the level of prices; and the preponderance of French influence in other countries, may fecure to the produce of the national induftry a preference in foreign markets. All the advantages which France now enjoys over the reft of the continental states, give her goods a natural preference in thofe markets; and the risk of competition from Great Britain is prevented by the high price of labour in that country. The British workmen, indeed, he allows are more fkilful; but he adds, the French may be taught, and the cheapnefs of provifions will compel the English workmen to emigrate. Thus, then, does this author clearly forefee, that the fuperior excellence of British manufactured produce will be of no avail in retaining a command of the European market, becaufe foreigners may become as fkilful; and that the high price of provifions will induce emigration among thofe claffes, who are ruining us by the price at which they fell their labour. To the former prediction, it is an obvious answer, that by the fame kind of reafoning every fuperiority may be argued away. Capital may be acquired by other nations, which will lower their profits; their population may increase, and their labour diminish in price; their foil may be explored, and its produce varied. How impoffible would it be, then, for any ftate to reckon upon maintaining its comparative advantages in manufactures or trade? The comfort is, that by the fame prophetic powers, we may forefee fome chance of changes beneficial to Great Britain. The eyes of continental states may be opened, and their courage roufed against France; the French themfelves may difcover that peace is neceffary to the improvement of their commerce; and the powers of Europe may learn, that their fafety depends on a recurrence to ancient principles of international policy, and a confidence in that nation, whofe magnanimity has never forfaken, and whofe good faith has never betrayed them.

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The prediction, of English artists emigrating to France for the fake of cheap living, is, if poffible, till more ridiculous. Do labourers ever attend half fo much to the price of provifions, as to the price of labour; and would not any fuch emigration produce at once four confequences fufficient to check its progress -a rife of provifions—and a diminution of wages in France-a rife of wages in England-and a diminution in the price of provifions? For the reft, we recommend to the author's attention a view of fome facts, which demonftrate, what indeed scarcely required any proof, the unwillingness of artifts to quit their own country, however oppreffed by high prices, or even by heavy direct impofts, and fcanty.wages. It is not from Holland, but to Holland, that we have feen emigrations both of capitalists and artizans take place; yet in no country are profits fo low, of taxes fo high; in no ftate does the government fhare fo largely the income of the people, or diminish the real enjoyments of the trader and the workman fo grievously, in proportion to their grofs profits and wages. After all that has been faid' (Dr Smith obferves) of the levity and inconftancy of human nature, it appears evidently from experience, that a man is, of all forts of luggage, the most difficult to be tranfported.'

In eftimating the probable increase of manufacturing industry in France, our author allows a great deal too much for the influence of political fuperiority in forcing a market. He commits the fame error, when he proceeds to confider the future agmentation of the French trade and fifheries. But, admitting that the power of the repubic fhall remain in its present state, and that her commercial and maritime refources are to be extended entirely by peaceable means, he contends that the circumftances of her Gituation are fufficient to operate a very rapid developement of those resources.

The abolition of strict Roman Catholic difcipline will increase the consumption of fifp, by rendering it an article of luxury of cheapness, not a mark of penance. Instead of 2,500,000 quintals, formerly confumed in France, Spain, and Italy, there will now be a demand for three millions; and the fupply of this (which he seems to affume France will poffefs exclufively) muft maintain just 20,000 able feamen, befides young men and boys. In like manner, he allows 5000-able feamen for the 150 veffels which the Greenland trade will fpeedily employ, and fo on for the other fisheries in proportion; eftimating that 45,000 able feamen will be required in all for the fisheries alone, befide young men and boys, whom he calculates at an equal number.

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Wealth of Nations, B. I. c. viii.

Now,