he is obliged to offer them to the world in an unfinished state; and it is fo uncertain whether he fhall live to complete the tafk he has begun, that he has made arrangements for the publication of the papers to which he meant to refer, in case of

his decease.

In the first of thefe volumes, he delivers his fentiments on the caufes which produced the French Revolution, and the events which followed, down to the diffolution of the firft National Affembly. The fecond volume contains an account of the measures adopted by M. Puiffaye to form a Royalist army in Normandy and Brittany, down to September 1794, when he came to England to concert meafures with the British Government. In this volume M. Puiffaye's perfonal adventures and conduct occupy the greater part of the narrative; and many hiftorical anecdotes are related, which have hitherto been little known to the public.

M. Puiffaye's reflections on the caufes which produced the French revolution, are delivered with fingular temper and moderation. He imputes the whole to the divifions and difunion which prevailed in every order of the State. Our readers are probably well acquainted with many of the abufes which led to the downfal of the ariftocracy of France; but much more than ufual is afcribed by our author to the divifions which prevailed between the nobleffe of the Court and of the provinces. The courtiers were poffeffed of all fituations of power or emolument, while the provincial nobility were precluded, by the prejudices of their order, from filling many of the most important fituations in life. The study of the fciences, the exercife of the liberal arts, and the administration of juftice, were almost entirely engroffed by men whom the higher nobility confidered as an inferior clafs. Although they occupied nominal fituations, and poffeffed a fictitious preeminence, they had loft every thing which could give them a real preponderance in the event of a ftruggle. Their degradation was completed by the venality of the Court. Every office, every fpecies of distinction, was bought and fold. Titles were fo rapidly multiplied, that every fresh creation made those who had formerly been enabled impatient for fome new promotion. At the fame time that the ftate of the nobility was fuch as indicated the weakness of the government, the people poffeffed few privileges which could give them any attachment to the conftitution of their country. Some of the provinces indeed had the right of holding meetings of the ftates according to the capitulations by which they had been united to the Crown of France; and hough this privilege had been reduced to the right of making remonftrances, which were generally repreffed by menaces, or

answered

anfwered by letters de cachet, yet M. Puiffaye affures us, that even this fhadow of liberty was not without effect; and that to it must be attributed the fuperior degree of energy which these provinces difplayed in the combat which they afterwards maiutained for their laws and their religion.

Their conduct' he obferves (p. 49.) ought to recal to the recollection of those who govern, a truth too often forgotten, that the maintenance of the rights of fubjects affords the most folid fupport to the authority of the fovereign.

In the other provinces of France, the Parliaments were the only barrier between the unlimited authority of the Prince, and the abject condition of the people. Our author is loud in his praifes of the character and conduct of the members of these affemblies; and his fentiments on this fubject form a ftrong contrast to thofe of M. Mounier. Both the nature of thefe inftitutions, and the general conduct and character of the members, meet with his decided approbation; and although he appears to admit that the legislative powers which they affumed, were ufurped, he at the fame time afferts that they were uniformly executed for the advantage of the nation.

To remove any fufpicion which might attach to the very decided approbation which M. Puiffaye beftows upon the Parliaments of France, he affures us that he has no motive of profeffional or family attachment which could bias his judg

ment.

I have heard the Parliaments' (fays M. Puiffaye, p. 51.) calumdiated by men attached to the Court: That was to be expected; for the Court feared them, and had determined on their deftruction. I have fince heard them calumniated by the oppofite party: That was alfo to be looked for; that party found it neceffary to destroy them. I have feen them act throughout with dignity and courage, fuffering at one period for their oppofition to the enterprizes of arbitrary power, on another occafion victims of their zeal for the fupport of lawful authority.'

M. Puiffaye obferves, that many perfons have expreffed their furprife, that the ableft minifters France ever produced in the war and marine departments had been hommes de robe. Our author remarks that this fact may be easily accounted for.

A well informed man, poffeffed of habits of application, can in a fhort time make himself fit for any fituation; while a man who is ignorant, and who believes that he is poffeffed of an extensive right to office, from birth, from favour, or from fortune, is incapable of any employment. "

He afferts accordingly, that these men would probably have acquired the fame reputation in the command of armies. The

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statesmen

ftatesmen and generals of the Greek and Roman republics were at the fame time their magiftrates.

If the members of the French Parliaments were deferving of the eulogium beftowed upon them by our author, they certainly form a ftriking inftance of the powerful influence of moral fituation. They must have felt that the place which they were to hold in the public eftimation depended upon their own conduct; and, amidst the contempt into which the other inftitutions of the ftate had fallen, they could only preferve the powers which they had in fome measure ufurped, by fhowing that they poffeffed thofe qualities which infpire confidence and command admiration.

Divifions, equally fatal to the repofe of the ftate, subsisted between the dignified clergy who refided at court, and the curés who lived among the people and poffeffed great influence over them. It thus appears, from a view of all the institutions upon which the permanence and ftability of a government muft depend, that the monarchy of France was reduced to fuch a state of difunion, that it was unable to refift any violent impulfe. M. Puiffaye enumerates other caufes which increased the diforders of the ftate, and weakened the authority of the Sovereign. The profligacy of the government during the minority of Lewis XV., gave rife to a spirit of irreligion and immorality throughout the country, which the feeblenefs of his meafures tended to confirm. The corruption of manners was completed by the influence of the prefs, which diffused vifionary and immoral publications of every defcription. It was feldom that any attempt was made to reprefs them; and fuch was the weakness of the rulers, that the authors of thefe publications even courted perfecution, Men, who would have stood in awe of a well-ordered government, and who would have trembled at a fevere one, embraced thofe opportunities of obtaining credit for courage and fortitude which they did not poffefs.

We have endeavoured to give our readers fome idea of the view which M. Puiffaye takes of the caufes of the French Revolution. For a more detailed statement of them, we must refer to the book itself. The general principle which he maintains is, that the germs of political diforder and confufion exifted in every order and department of fociety, and that the caufes which produced the calamities of France were fuch as have been obferved and will be obferved in the diffolution of every empire.

Men of all countries and of all ages' fays our author who fall one day read the hiftory of the misfortunes of France, will only have to change the names, and thofe fubordinate circumstances which are va

ried by time, place and accident, and they will read the history of their fathers, of their defcendants, or perhaps of their own æra.'

The refult of M. Puiffaye's reafoning is, that a foundation had long before been laid for the French revolution; and if the fame opening had prefented itself, a political change of the fame magnitude might have taken place in the time of Lewis XV. Thefe obfervations bring forcibly to our recollection a ftriking paffage in one of Lord Chefterfield's letters. After taking notice of the changes which had taken place in the opinions of the French nation, upon matters of religion and government, his Lordship concludes: In short, all the fymptoms which I have ever met with in hiftory, previous to great changes and revolutions in government, now exift and daily increase in France This opinion was delivered at a time when many perfons, deceived by the exterior splendour of the French monarchy, confidered it as fixed on the fureft foundations, and when difappointed politicians lamented the inftability of a mixed govern

ment.

The preliminary part of the work before us prefents fo large a field for obfervation, that we feel ourfelves. obliged to omit many difcuffions which the perufal of it has fuggefted. There is one fact which we have already taken notice of, which appears well worthy of obfervation; that a friking difference was perceived between the conduct of thofe provinces which poffeffed fome shadow of a free government, and that of thofe which enjoyed no protection against the inroads of arbitrary power,that thefe provinces afterwards thowed a fuperior degree of energy and refolution in arming themfelves against the tyrannical measures of the revolutionary government. This fact is peculiarly important, from the striking illuftration it affords of the energy with which men possessed of rights and of privileges may be expected to act, when they are forced into a contelt with tyranny and oppreflion.

Another fact of the fame defcription occurs in the course of the narrative. The emillaries of the convention endeavoured to ftir up the people of Normandy, by propofing an agrarian law; a doctrine which has fo many charms for the lower ranks of every fociety. The landholders in this province were, however, fo much more numerous than in other parts of France, that the orators found themfelves obliged to relinquish that topic, and were in danger of being deftroyed even by the populace whom they had endeavoured to feduce.

We shall now lay before our readers, fome of M. Puiffaye's reflections upon the particular events which preceded the Revolution,

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December 25. 1753.

lution, during the reign of Lewis XVI. Our author pronounces a moft eloquent eulogium upon that unfortunate Monarch; and afcribes his misfortunes to the meannefs and perfidy of his courtiers. We are told, that when they deceived him, they availed themselves of his love of juftice, his regard for worth, and his diffidence in his own talents. The Queen is defcribed as poffeffing every thing which could render her an object of love and admiration. But the was furrounded by courtiers, whofe compofition was perfidy, whofe profeffion was deceit. They had recourfe to every art, and affumed every difguife; and feemed by turns humane, compaffionate, difinterested, enthufiaftic in behalf of virtue, and indignant at vice. In the midst of fuch a fcene of deception, it was almoft impoffible for perfons of virtue to approach. All lucrative fituations were fecured by the Batterers; but from the divifions which took place amongst them, the miniftry was always in too precarious a fituation to be an object of their ambition. They preferred the advantage of difpofing of it, to the risk of poffeffing it.

The events which more immediately led to the Revolution, are already known to our readers. Our author's remarks upon them are those of a dispassionate observer. The only character to which he difcovers any partiality, is that of M. Calonne ; and he records fome anecdotes t, that reflect great honour upor the memory of that unfortunate statesman.

M. Puiffaye concludes the general view he takes of the causes of the Revolution, with obferving, that although his fpeculations upon them may appear very remote from the hiftory of his life, he conceived it neceffary to enable his contemporaries to judge of his conduct fince the Revolution, by putting them in poffeffion of the opinions and principles which he held before it. He then enters upon his private hiftory. He is defcended of one of the most diftinguished families in Perché, and was originally deftined for the church; but abandoned his studies at an early age, and obtained a commiffion in a regiment of cavalry, He afterwards left the army, and married in 1788. In the year following, he was elected to reprefent the nobility of Perché in the States-General, without any folicitation on his part. The inftructions with which he was then provided were, to renounce for his constituents all claim to pecuniary immunities; but not to confent to any impoft until the conftitution fhould be fettled upon the bafis of an acknowledgement of the inherent powers of the States-General to make laws and impofe taxes. It was recommended to him to fupport the divifion of the States into feparate deliberative bodies.

* No. 1. Art. 1.

↑ Vol. II. p. 9.

The