Has not the patronage of peers increased? Is not the patronage of India now vested in the crown? Are all these innovations to be made in order to increase the influence of the executive power; and is nothing to be done in favour of the popular part of the constitution, to act as a counterpoise? as It may be said, that the House of Commons are really a just representation of the people, because, on great emergencies, they never fail to speak the sense of the people, was the case in the American war, and in the Russian armament; but had the House of Commons had a real representation of the people, they would have interfered sooner on these occasions, without the necessity of being called upon to do so. I fear much that this House is not a real representation of the people, and that it is too much influenced by passion, prejudice, or interest. This may for a time give to the executive government apparent strength; but no government can be either lasting or free, which is not founded on virtue, and on that independence of mind and conduct among the people, which creates energy, and leads to every thing that is noble and generous, or that can conduce to the strength and safety of a state. "What constitutes a state?— Not high raised battlement or laboured mound, Not cities proud, with spires and turrets crown'd, Where, laughing at the storm, proud navies ride; Where low-browed baseness wafts perfume to pride! With powers as far above dull brutes endued, In forest, brake, or den, As beasts excel cold rocks, and brambles rude, Men who their duties know, But know their rights, and, knowing, dare maintain." EXERCISE XLIX.-FALSE ELOQUENCE.-Anon. From a speech in Congress on the Revenue Bill of 1833. [Bombast, of which the following is a specimen,—is distinguished by vociferation and mouthing, and excessively swelling tone; along with which usually goes the accompaniment of overdone action, a ceaseless sweep and swing of the arm;-the whole forming a full illustration of exaggeration and caricature.] We understand it now.-The President is impatient to wreak his vengeance on South Carolina. Be it so. Pass your measure, sir,-unchain your tiger,-let loose your wardogs as soon as you please! I know the people you desire to war on. They await you with unflinching, unshrinking, unblanching firmness. I know full well the State you strike at. She is deeply enshrined in as warm affections, brave hearts, and high minds, as ever formed a living rampart for public liberty. They will receive this bill, sir, whether you pass the other or not, with scorn, and indignation, and detestation. They never will submit to it. They will see in it the iron crown of Charlemagne placed upon the head of your Executive. They will see in it the scene upon the Lupercal vamped up, and new-varnished. They will see in its hideous features of pains and penalties, a declaration of war in all but its form. They cannot, (for they are the best informed people on the face of the earth, or that ever have been on it, on the great principles of civil and political liberty,) but see in it the utter prostration and demolition of State rights, State constitutions, aye, and of the Federal constitution too. Is this thing so coveted by, and gratifying to, the President,-is this bloody bill, this Boston port-bill, so delightful to him, that it is to be preferred to that which is said to be pacificatory? Why, sir, if he must be gratified, must be amused and pleasurably employed, buy him a TEE-TO-TUM, or some other harmless toy, but do not give him the purse and sword of the nation, the army and navy,—the whole military power of the country, as peaceful playthings to be used at his discretion. If, however, this bill must pass,-if there be no substitute so palatable as blood, I withdraw my opposition to its being taken up, and only ask the privilege of exposing its details; although I clearly see that the interested passions on one side, and a supple subserviency on another, will insure its passage by a very large majority. One word, sir, to the gentleman who says this bill is necessary, because South Carolina has not YET repealed her ordinance. HAS NOT YET, I presume means, notwithstanding the President's Proclamation. Sir, South Carolina has received the insolent mandate of the President, commanding her to retrace her steps, tear from her archives one of the brightest pages of her glory, and alter the fundamental principles of her constitution; and she sends him back, (through her humble representatives,) the message sent from Utica to Cæsar"Bid him disband his legions; Restore the Commonwealth to liberty; That, sir, is her answer! EXERCISE L.-SCENE FROM THE LORD OF THE ISLES.- -Scott. Speakers,-Lord Ronald, Lorn, Edward and Robert Bruce, Abbot, and Attendants, De Argentine, Torquil, and Minstrel. [See remarks introductory to EXERCISE XXX.-This and several other dialogues, it will be perceived from their comparative length, -are designed for 'exhibition' occasions.] Ronald. [Entering to the rest who are seated, and conducting the Bruces.] Brother of Lorn, and you, fair lords, rejoice! Come, wandering knights from travel far, Well proved, they say, in strife of war, And tempest on the sea. Ho! give them at your board such place Lorn. Say in your voyage if aught ye knew Edw. Of rebels have we nought to show, I warn thee he has sworn, Ere thrice three days shall come and go, Ron. Brother, it better suits the time To chase the night with Ferrand's rhyme, Lorn. Content. The lay I named will carry smart [To Argentine.] Min. Whence the broach of burning gold, As, through night's pale rainbow gleaming Fitful shines the northern star? Left his men to brand and cord,- While his spoils in triumph worn Long shall grace victorious Lorn!— To chafe thee for a menial's song? [To the minstrel.] To speak more nobly of the Bruce. Lorn. Now, by Columba's shrine I swear, And every saint that's buried there, 'Tis he himself! And for my kinsman's death he dies. Ron. Forbear! Not in my sight, while brand I wear, No slaughter-house for shipwrecked guest.— Lorn. Talk not to me Of odds or match!-When Comyn died, |