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lips or eyes ; the innumerable pores of all his Body must give a passage to more lively representations of the bitter anguish of his Soul : and therefore while he prayed more earnestly, in that agony his sweat was as it were great drops of blood falling down to the ground. As the Psalmist had before declared; I am poured out like water, and all my bones a
bones are out of Psal. 22. 14. joint: my heart is like wax, it is melted in the midst of my bowels. The "heart of our Saviour was as it were melted with fear and astonishment, and all the parts of his body at the same time inflamed with anguish and agony ; well then might that melting produce a sweat, and that inflamed and rarified blood force a passage through the numerous pores.
And as the Evangelist's expressions, fo the occasion of the Grief, will manifest the height and bitterness thereof. For God laid on his own Son the iniquities of us all, and as we are obliged to be sorry for our particular sins, so was he grieved for the sins of us all. If then we consider the perfection and latitude of his Knowledge; he understood all the sins of men for v he suffered, all the evil and the guilt, all the offence against the Majesty, and ingratitude against the Goodness of God, which was contained in all thofe sins. If we look upon his absolute Conformity to the will of God; he was inflamed with most ardent Love, he was most zealous of his glory, and most studious to preserve that Right which was so highly violated by those fins. If we look upon his Relation to the fons of men ; he loved them all far more than any did themselves, he knew those sins were of themselves sufficient to bring eternal destruction on their Souls and Bodies. he considered them whom he so much loved as lying under the wrath of God whom he lo truly worlhipped. If we reflect upon those Graces which were without measure diffused through his Soul, and caused him with the greatest habitual detestation to abhor all fin. If we consider all these circumstances, we cannot wonder at that Grief and Sorrow. For if the true Contrition of one single sinner, bleeding under the sting of the Law only for his own iniquities, all which notwithstanding he knoweth not, cannot be performed without great bitterness of sorrow and remorse ; what bounds can we set unto that Grief, what measures to that Anguilh, which proceed eth from a full apprehension of all the transgressions of so many millions of sinners ?
Add unto all these present apprehensions, the immediate hand of God pressing upon him all this load, laying on his shoulders at once an heap of all the Sorrows which can happen unto any of the Saints of God; that he, being touched with the feeling of our infirmities, might become a merci- Heb. 2.17,183 ful High-priest, able and willing to succour them that are tempted. Thus 4.15.,,
Lam. I. 12. may we behöld and see if there be any forrow like unto that forrow which was done unto him, wherewith the Lord afflicted him in the day of his fierce anger. And from hence we may and must conclude, that the Saviour of Man, as he took the whole Nature of Man, so he suffered in whatsoever he took : in his Body, by internal Infirmities and external Injuries ; in his Soul, by Fears and Sorrows, by unknown and inexpressible Anguishes. Which shews us fully (if it can be shewn) the third Particular propounded, What our Saviour suffered.
That our Saviour did thus suffer, is most necessary to believe. First, that thereby we may be assured of the verity of his Human Nature. For if he were not Man, then could not Man be redeemed by him ; and if that Nature in which he appeared were not truly human, then could he not be truly Man. But we may be well assured that he took on him our Nature, when we see him subject unto our Infirmities. We know the Godhead is of infinite perfection, and therefore is exalted far above all possibility of molestation. When therefore we see our Saviour truly suffer, we know
his Divine Essence suffered not, and thence acknowledge the addition of his Human Nature, as the proper subject of his passion. And from hence we may infallibly conclude, surely that Mediator between God and Man was truly Man, as we are men, who when he fasted was an hungry. when he travelled was thirsty and weary as we are, who being grieved wept, being in an agony sweat, being scourged bled, and being crucified died.
Secondly, it was necessary Christ should suffer for the Redemption of lapsed men, and their reconciliation unto God; which was not otherwise to be performed than by a plenary fatisfaction to his will. He therefore was by all his sufferings made an Expiation, Atonement, and Propitiation for all our sins. For Salvation is impossible unto sinners without Remission of sin ; and Remiflion in the decree of God impossible without effufion of blood. Our Redemption therefore could not be wrought but by the blood of the Redeemer, but by a Lamb slain, but by a fuffering Saviour.
Thirdly, it behoved Christ to fuffer that he might purchase thereby eter
nal Happiness in the Heavens both for himself the Head, and for the memBjao. 110.7. bers of his Body. He drunk of the brook in the way, therefore hath be L'xtr 24.26. lift up his head. Ought not Christ to suffer, and so to enter into his own
glory? And doth he not by the same right by which he entred into it, confer that glory upon us ? The recompense of the reward was set before him, and through an intuition of it he chearfully underwent whatsoever was laid upon him. He must therefore necessarily fuffer to obtain that Happiness, who is therefore happy becaufe he fuffered.
Fourthly, it was necesfary Christ should suffer, that we might be affu. red that he is truly affected with a most tender compassion of our afflicti. ons. For this end was he fubjected to Mifery, that he might become prone unto Mercy : for this purpose was he made a Sacrifice, that he might be a compaflionate High-Priest : and therefore was he most unmerciful to himself, that he might be most merciful unto us.
Fifthly, it was necessary the Son of man fhould suffer, thereby to shew us that we are to suffer, and to teach us how we are to fuffer. For if these things were done to the green tree, what hall be done to the dry ? Nay, if God fpared not his natural, his eternal, his only-begotten Son ; how fhall he fpare his adopted Sons, who are best known to be children because they are chastised, and appear to be in his paternal affection becaufe they lie under his Fatherly correction ? We are therefore Heirs, only becaufe Coheirs with Christ; and we shall be Kings, only because we shall reign together with him. It is a certain and infallible consequence, If Christ be risen, then shall we also rife; and we must look for as strong a coherence in this other, If Christ hath suffered, then muft we expect to suffer. And as he taught the Necessity of, so he left us the Direction in, our Sufferings. Great was the example of Job, but far fhort of absolute perfection : the pattern beyond all exception is alone our Saviour, who hath taught us in all our afflictions the exercise of admirable Humility, perfect Patience, and absolute Submission unto the will of God.
And now we may perceive the full importance of this part of the Article, and every Christian may thereby understand what he is to believe, and what he is conceived to profess, when he makes this confession of his Faith, He fuffered. For hereby every one is obliged to intend thus much: I am really persuaded within my self, and do make a sincere profession of this as a most necessary, certain and infallible Truth, That the only begotten Son of God, begotten of the Father, and of the fame Essence with the Father, did for the Redemption of mankind really and truly fuffer ; not in his Divinity, which was impassible, but in his Huinanity, which in the days of his Humiliation was fubject unto our Infirmities : That as he is a perfect Redeemer of the whole man, so he was a complete Sufferer in the whole; in his Body, by such dolorous Infirmities as arise internally from humane Frailties, and by such Pains as are inflicted by external Injuries; in his Soul, by fearful Apprehensions, by unknown Sorrows, by Anguish inexpressible. And in this latitude and propriery I believe our Saviour suffered.
Under Pontius Pilate.
A Fter the substance of this part of the Article, consisting in our Saviour's A Passion, He suffered, followeth the circumstance of time, declared by the present Governour, under Pontius Pilate. Which though the name of a stranger to the Commonwealth of Ifrael and the Church of Christ, is well preserved to erernal memory in the sacred Articles of our Creed. For as the Sun of God by his determinate counsel was sent into the world to die in the fulness of time, so it concerns the Church to be assured of the time in which he died. And because the ancient custom of the world was, to make the computations by their Governours, and refer their Historical relations to the respective times of their Government: therefore, that we might be properly assured of the Actions of our Saviour which he did, and of his Sufferings,'(that is, the Actions which others did to him) the present Governour is named in that form of speech which is proper to such Historical or Chronological Narrations when we affirm that he suffered * under Pontius * 'Exi nóvlig
Dinátx.Which Pilate. ;:..
:::: :: words are ca
. pable of a double construction. First as they are used by s. Paul, 1 Tim. 6. 13, 'Incổ, tô raglugóculo iti Novl18 Dikáty xaalw ono donicer, Who before Pontius Pilate witnessed a good confession; that is, standing before him as before a Judge. As of the same perfon, Matt. 28. 14. Kai lan dexroth rấto ii siperór@, If this come to be tried before the Procurator. Thus Feftus propounded it to S. Paul, Acts 25.9. Sinus nesve at ta' kuõ; and S. Paul answered in the same propriety of peech, επί το βήμα G- Καίσαρα εσώς άμι. Τhus Chrit tells his 'Apotles, Mark 13. 9. επί ηγεμόνων και οι héwn' sobreate. And in this fenfe iti is often used by the Greeks. Secondly, iti Nindty is under Pilate, that is, in the time of his Government, when and while he was Procurator of Judæa : as T' áexiegias "Ana x) Kaipa, Luke 3. 2. and sxs 'Alice.tece tõ exieeews, Mark 2. 26. Vhich is also according to the custom and language of the Greeks : As Kalexhuquos éxi Aburahiaro ifós 70. Marm. Arundel. Otot Taviri tô saopédorra izayasávwy Temwv, Plat. Epift. ad Archytam: and iTi TÁTO Becord oorlo, in this King's reign, is the common Phrase of Pausanias. Thus the Athenians among their nine" Aexovies had one who was called 'Eravure, because his name was used for the denotation of that year; and the phrase was usually, lai tā deva, or éni to dáva aerova; as I find it thrive in one place to gS ('lcoxpotas) iri Avroueéx8, nndTwy ai 'Aurvis réloney, io 8 Idee Ax ang : 6TI AUTITEV. Lacrt. in Platone. In the same manner did the Lacedæmonians make their Historical accounts by their Ephori and the Argivi by the Priestesses of Juno : 'Exi Xeucida
"Apres této 5847“xoy le duo ir dcoviairn iegwifúns ry Annois ipógr á Erégly, renvoodago ito dúo plūces e xorlos "Allwasols. Thucyd. 1. 2. And as the Greeks thus referred all actions to the times of these Governours, so did the Jews under the Roman Government to the Procurators of Judæa; as appeareth by Josephus, who mentioning the first of that Office, Coponius, prefently relates the Infurrection of Judas Galilaus in this manner: επί τότε (Κωπωνία) τις ανης Γαλιλαίας, lød os óvorce, sis úrósatu coñys tos éxixwehrs. de Bell. Jud. l. 2. c. 12. then names his fucceffor Ambivius, io I Laruin Iaurices xelenés ko after him Rufus, o ši din TEA601ã Kašrug. Antiq. Jud. b. 18. c. 3. And in the same manner in the Creed. Febóra éai Nonix Iliráty, our Saviour fuffered under Pontius Pilate; that is, at the time when he was Procit rator of Judæa; as Ignatius fully, ev rangão do siyeposices lovlig Mindsto. Epist. ad Magnesios.
And because he not only suffered under him as the present Governour, but also was arraigned and condemned by him as a Judge ; therefore it will be necessary for the illustration of the manner, and confirmation of the truth, of our Saviour's Sufferings, to declare what hath been left and delivered to our knowledge, both concerning his Person and his Office. For the first, we find him defcribed by two names : nor is any other name
. of his extant, although, according to the * general custom of the Romans, speaking of ike'
Romans, faith, Τρία οπότε και ολίγισα, και έτι πλέονα ονόμαζα εκάσω τίθεν). And although Diomedes and Ρlutarch have obferved, that even among the Romans there were some diavurece, yet the pranomen was nerver omitted, as Priscian affirmeld, Ex illo tempore consuetudo tenuit, ut nemo Romanus fit abfque prænomine, lib. 2..
* Pontius and he should have three. The first of these two is * Pontius, the name descendPilatus were to him from the original of his Family, which was very ancient ; the fecond and Cogno- Pilatus, as a cognominal addition distinguishing from the rest descending men, in the from the same Original. fame manner as Julius and Cæfar are described by Suetonius : Non Cæfare & Bibulo, sed Julio & Cæfare, Coss. actum scriberent. bis eundem præponentes, nomine atque cognomine. lib. 1. cap. 20. Thus without a Prænomen or Agnomen, he is one ly known to us by his Nomen properly calls, and his Cognomen. The nature of which two is thus described by the Ancients: Nomen proprium est gentilitiuın, id est, quod originem gentis & familiæ declarat, ut Pontius Cornelius; Cog. nomen est quod uniuscujusque proprium, & nominibus gentilitiis subjungitur, ut Cato, Scipio. Diomedes de Orat. l.i: Nomen quod Familiæ originem declarat, ut Cornelius ; Cognomen, quod nomini subjungitur, ut Scipio. Charisius l.2. The first of these Dionysius calls to our furròn xj Walawwusxòv, Plutarch oixias is gfúrs xorvèr· and xosvò dié ourgfreies: the socond he calls segonloesnór é intéry. Thus Pontius was his Nomen gentis or gentilitium, and Pilatus bis Cognomen. As therefore Pontius Aquila, Pontius Cominius, Pontius Herennius, Pontius Paulinus, &c. fo alfo Pontius Pilatus. Wherefore in vain have some of the Ancients endeavoured to give an Etymology of these names, as they do of Greek and Hebrew names in the Scripture, and think thereby to express the nature or actions of them that bare the names. As Ifidorus Hifpal. Orig. 1.7..10., Pontius declinans concilium, utique Judæorum: acceptâ enim aquâ lavit manus suas, dicens, Innocens ego fum à fanguine hujus jufti. And Eutychius Patriarch of Alexandria deduced Pontius from an Ipand called Ponta, near to Rome. And s. Jerome, Quod fignificat nomen Pilati, i.e. Malleatoris, i. é. qui domat ferreas gentes, ad Mat. 15. Pilatus, Os malleatoris; quia dum Chriftum ore suo & justificat & condemnat, more Malleatoris utrinque ferit. Isid. 16. Pontius declinans concilium ; Pilatus, Os malleatoris. s. Jer. de nom. Hebraicis, in Luca, c rurfus in A&is. Where he lets us understand that these Etymologies were made from the Hebrew language j and makes an excuse, because the letter P is here taken for the Hebrew 9, to which the Latin F more properly answers. Sed fciendum eft quod apud Hebræos P litera non habetur, nec ullum nomen eft quod hoc elementum sonet: abusive igitur accipienda, quafi per Flitteram feripta fint. Thus did they vainly strive to find an Hebrew Original, and that such an one as should represent the conditions of Pilate; when these two names are nothing else but the Roman Nomen and Cognomen of that person.
He was by birth a Roman, by degree of the Equestrian Order, sent by Tiberius the Emperor to be a Governour of Judæa. For about threescore years before our Saviour's birth the Jews by Pompey the Great were made tributary to the Romans. And altho' during the life of Hircanus the High-Priest, the reign of Herod and his Son Archelaus, the Roman State fuffered the Jews to be ruled by their own Laws and Governors; yet when Archelaus was ba
nished by Augustus, they received their Governours from the Roman Empe. * Tâs 'Agxeλές εθναρχίας
"A rour, being made a part of the * Province of Syria, belonging to his care. 'In Melanco bong the life of Augustus there was a Succession of three, Coponius, Ambivius, Gis ivacxiar. and Rufus. At the beginning of the reign of Tiberius they were governed Bel. Iud. 1.2. by Valerius Gracchus, and at his departure by Pontius Pilate. 6.13. Täs är 'Agzenés Zuegos wooleañs we governbeions oj zúgur. in Antiq. Jud. b. 17. 6.15. Taglio į Kughvem vis 'lodas av Tregat hen Eveías y uno debb kw. ibid. l. 18. c. 1.
The Office which this Pilate bare was the Procuratorship of Judæa, as is * Tacitus, most evident out of the History both of the * Romans, from whom he reSpeaking of the Chriftians,
the ceived his authority, and of the Jews, over whom he exercised his dominion. Author no- But what was the Office of a t Procurator in those times, tho' necessary for minis ejus Chriftus, qui Tiberio imperante per Procuratorem Pontium Pilatum fupplicio affe&tus eft. Annal. I. 15. And Tertullian, moft skilful of their Laws and Customs, Speaks thus of our Saviour ; poftremò oblatum Pontio Pilato, Syriam tunc ex parte Romanâ procuranti, Apologer. cap. 21. Whom s. Cyprian follows: Hunc Magiftri eorum-Pontio Pilato, qui tunc ex parte Romanâ Syriam procurabat, tradiderunt, advers. Demetr. Thus also Jofephus for the Jews: Slepepleis äris 'lxdaha iriteros wiò Toßreír Tinetos, de Bell. Jud. l. 2. c. 14. And Philo, Nizátos hy iságra ésitet og didedalo pela gf 'I xóaías, de legat. ad Caium. And therefore those words of s. Luke ç. 3. I. sy emorocoyl lovlig Didáty q 'Indahas were properly transated by the old Interpreter, procurante Pontio Pilato Judæam. Thus Lucius Dexter ad annum Chrifi 28. Pontius Pilatus procurator Judææ à Tiberio mittitur in Judæam. And Justin Martyr most properly; Tor radio gwléva éri Novlig Ninets, rõ afropfús c 'ludaíce ini xerous Tobreix Karapa inilegts. Apol. 2. And again, speaking to the Emperors, by whom the Procurators were fent; Και Πιλάτε το υμετέρα πας Ιεδαίοις βοουμε επιτρόπ8. And 4gain, w T8 evouse 'loa® Xeos8, 18 size 70 : levit, sẽ xuong tangmg + 188 asias. Dial. Cam Trinh. As alfo Eusebius, Awdexotw ciow TWS Tobreix Parincíos, éxitegn lyo aides was To Geekx xabisa y minero. His. l. 1. c. 10.
And s. Jerom's Translation of his Chronicon ; Pilatus Procurator Judææ à Tiberio mittitur. Thus it appears that Pilate of the Equestrian Order was properly Procurator, as that office was ordinarily given to men of that Order, as Tacitus testifies : Cn. Julius Agricola utrumque avum procuratorem Cæsarum habuit, quæ equeftris nobilitas eft, in vit, Jul. Agr. Which is to be understood concerning the Imperial Provinces : for into those which were of the Provinces of the People, the Procurators sent by Cæfar were of the Liberti. For the Emperor sent into all the Provinces his Procurators, but with this difference, as Dio observes ; His via ouoiws rá forn, toe te ecrã ra ta' rõ damit, To's ū ir T ixtéar, to's ä сm pátenoudigwr, wéuth. Hift. l. 53. The Roman Procurator is ordinarily in Greek Authors expressed by their 'Eriter , as the Gloff. Latin. Grac. Procurator, 'Enitet. But yet they are not of the same latitude in their use; 'ExiTOgtos comprehending the Notion of Tutor as well as Procurator. Hesych. 'Exitegto's, ó wr295&Fão xweswr, og ans srias, rij bępuvár. Gloff. Ver. 'Eritegros, Procurator, Tutor. 'Eritegtos therefore was used by the Greeks in both No
rions, whereof Procurator of the Latins is but one. And in the Language of the Romans he is a Procurator which underrakes to manare the business of another man. Procurator fi negotium suscipit, faith Afconius in Divin, and Sex. PomDaius, Frocurator absentis nomine actor fit ; be to whom the care of another man's eftate or afairs was committed. Gloil. Vet. 'Elena', commissum, er 'Eyoncus, procurator. In correspondence to these Procurators of the affairs and estates of private persons, there were made fuch as did take care in every Province of the Imperial Revenue ; who, in respect of ine Person whom they served, were called Procuratores Cæsaris, or Auguftales ; in respect of the Countries where they Terved, were termed Procuratores Provinciales. Their Office is best described by Dion. Hift. I. 53. Tä's 15172678g ŠTO ccés TE xpiva's Tegródo's exaélovas, xj *2958700 posjúce opion crcdicnóvloes, óvonásopiše. We call, says he, these 'Ezz7RX's, that is, Procuratores, which receive the publick Revenues, and dispose of them according to the commands received from the Emperor. For they acted in his name, and what was done by them was accounted as done by the Emperor himself. Quæ acta getta sunt à Procuratore Cæsaris, fic ab eo comprobari ac fi à Cæsare geta eilent, Ulpian. l. 1. ff. As we read in Tacitus of the Emperor Claudius; Sæpius audita vox Principis, parem viin rerum habendam à Procuratoribus suis judicatarum, ac fi ipfe ftatuisset. Annal. I. 12. And in Suetonius; · Ut rata effent quæ Procuratores fui in ju: dicando ftatuerent à Senatu precario excgit. The proper office therefore of the Provincial Procurator was, to receive the Imperial Revenue, and dispose of it as the Emperor commanded, and to all intents and purposes to do such things as were necessary thereunto, with such authority as if the Emperor himself had done them. " our present purpose, is not so easie to determine, because it was but newly introduced into the Roman Government. For before the Dominion of that City was changed from a Common-wealth into an Empire, there was no such publick Office in any of the Provinces, and particularly in 7udaa none till after the Banishment of Archelaus, fome years after our Saviour's birth when
Augustw divided the Provinces of the Empire into two parts, one of which he kept for his own care, and left the other to the inspection of the Senate, he sent, together with the President of each Province, as the Governour in chief of the Province, a Procurator, whose Office was, to take an account of all the Tribute, and whatsoever was due to the Emperor, and to order and dispose of the same for his advantage. Neither was there at the first institution of this Office any other act belonging properly to their Jurisdiction, but such a care and disposal of the Imperial Revenue : which they exercised as inferior and fubordinate to the President, always fupreme Provincial Officer. - Now Judaa being made part of a Province of Syria, and consequently under the care of the President of that Province, according to this Institution, a particular Procurator was assigned unto it for the disposing of the Emperor's Revenue. And because the Nation of the Jews were always suspected of a Rebellious Disposition against the Roman State, and the President of Syria, * This appearwho had the Power of the Sword, was forced to attend upon the other Parts
on the other parté eth by Copo
nius, the first of his Province; therefore the Procurator of Judæa was furnished with * proper ProcuPower of Life and Death, and fo administred all the Power of the President, rator of Ju
dæa, who which was, as to the Jews, fupreme. Which is very observable, as an emi- was brought nent Act of the Providence of God, by which the full Power of Judicature in byQuirinus in Judea was left in the hands of the Resident Procurator.
Præses of Sy
ria, when he came to dispose of the Goods of Archelaus, and to reduce Judæa into the form of a Province, and adjoin it to Syria. Of This Coponius Josephus writeth after, this manner, Kwotarsós TE AÚTI (Kuelim) ouxcncriure), ráfue los õ irtów syna rópolvos 'Isdatov za iti wäru i'rcia, that being of the Equestrian Order, he was sent with Quirinus to govern the Jews with the supreme power, Antiq. 1. 18. c. 1. And yet more exprefly, as to the time, occasion and extent of bis power : Της 3 Αρχελάς χώρας είς επαρχίαν σερ Γραφίσης, επιθεωπός τις ιππικής ολα Ρωμαίοις τάξεως, Κωπώνιος πέμπε3), μέχρι το zleávesy na bail aggi rõ Kairagos irricy. Id. de Bell. Jud. l. 2. C. II. When those parts which were under the command of Archelaus were reduced into a Province, Coponius was sent thither by the Emperor, and furnished with power of life and death. For although in the Proconsular Provinces the Procurator of the Emperor had no power but on these things which belonged to the Excbequer; yet in those Provinces which were properly præfidiales, the Procurator was often loco Præsidis. From whence in the ancient Inscriptions we read of the same Person, Procurator & Præses Alpium, Procurator & Præses provinciarum per Orientem, Procurator & Præses provinciæ Sardiniæ. It was often therefore so, that the Procurator did Præfidis partibus fungi: as Ulpian. l.8. de officio Proconsulis; In provinciam enim Præfidum provinciarum, nec aliter Procuratori Cæsaris, hæc cognitio injungitur, quam Præsidis partibus in provincia fungatur. And this is very necessary to be observed, because a Procurator barely such, not armed with the power of the Præses provinciæ, had not the power of the Sword. As Antoninus to Valerius ; Procurator meus, qui vice Præfidis non fungebatur, exilii tibi pænam non potuit irrogare. l. 9. Cod. de pænis. And to Heliodorus ; Procurator meus, qui vice Præsidis provinciæ non fungitur, ficut exigere pænam desertæ accusationis non potest, ita judicare ut ea inferatur sententiâ fuâ non poteft, l. 3. c. Ubi Caufa. This was plain in the case of Lucilius Capito, Procurator of Asia minor, who was called in question for exceeding his power, and deserted therein by Tiberius. Procurator Afiæ Lucilius Capito, accusante provincia, causam dixit magnâ cum adseveratione Principis, non se jus nifi in servitia & pecunias familiares dedisse. Quod fi viin Prætoris usurpasset, manibusque militum usus foret, fpreta in ea mandata sua, audirent socios. Tacit. Annal. And Dio upon the said example observes in general, that the Procurators had no fuch power. Ou gos i lw tóte tois tá autorage τοβικα χρήμαζα διοκώσι πλέον δεν σοιών, τας νενομισμένες προσίδας ώλέβειν, και οι τ αφορών έν τε την αγορά και ο τες róuses igics toisidoaraus dixáciay. But although the ordinary Procurators had no other power but to dispose of the Reo venue; and determine private Causes; yet he which was vice Præfidis had the power of the Præses : and such a Procurator was Pontius Pilate in Judæa, as the others who preceded him also were. Min digital