lips or eyes; the innumerable pores of all his Body must give a paffage to more lively representations of the bitter anguish of his Soul: and therefore while he prayed more earnestly, in that agony his fweat was as it were great drops of blood falling down to the ground. As the Pfalmift had before declared; I am poured out like water, and all my bones are out of pfal. 22.14. joint: my heart is like wax, it is melted in the midst of my bowels. The heart of our Saviour was as it were melted with fear and astonishment, and all the parts of his body at the fame time inflamed with anguish and agony; well then might that melting produce a sweat, and that inflamed and rarified blood force a paffage through the numerous pores.

And as the Evangelift's expreffions, fo the occafion of the Grief, will manifest the height and bitterness thereof. For God laid on his own Son the iniquities of us all; and as we are obliged to be forry for our particular fins, fo was he grieved for the fins of us all. If then we confider the perfection and latitude of his Knowledge; he understood all the fins of men for which he suffered, all the evil and the guilt, all the offence against the Majefty, and ingratitude against the Goodness of God, which was contained in all thofe fins. If we look upon his abfolute Conformity to the will of God; he was inflamed with moft ardent Love, he was most zealous of his glory, and most studious to preferve that Right which was fo highly violated by thofe fins. If we look upon his Relation to the fons of men; he loved them all far more than any did themselves, he knew those fins were of themselves fufficient to bring eternal deftruction on their Souls and Bodies, he confidered them whom he fo much loved as lying under the wrath of God whom he fo truly worshipped. If we reflect upon thofe Graces which were without meafure diffufed through his Soul, and caufed him with the greatest habitual deteftation to abhor all fin. If we confider all these circumstances, we cannot wonder at that Grief and Sorrow. For if the true Contrition of one fingle finner, bleeding under the sting of the Law only for his own iniquities, all which notwithstanding he knoweth not, cannot be performed without great bitterness of forrow and remorfe; what bounds can we fet unto that Grief, what measures to that Anguish, which proceedeth from a full apprehenfion of all the tranfgreffions of fo many millions of finners?

Lam. I. 12.

Add unto all these present apprehenfions, the immediate hand of God preffing upon him all this load, laying on his fhoulders at once an heap of all the Sorrows which can happen unto any of the Saints of God; that he, being touched with the feeling of our infirmities, might become a merci- Heb.2.17,18.” ful High-prieft, able and willing to fuccour them that are tempted. Thus 4. 15. may we behold and fee if there be any forrow like unto that forrow which was done unto him, wherewith the Lord afflicted him in the day of his fierce anger. And from hence we may and must conclude, that the Saviour of Man, as he took the whole Nature of Man, fo he fuffered in whatsoever he took in his Body, by internal Infirmities and external Injuries; in his Soul, by Fears and Sorrows, by unknown and inexpreffible Anguishes. Which thews us fully (if it can be fhewn) the third Particular propounded, What our Saviour fuffered.

That our Saviour did thus fuffer, is most neceffary to believe. First, that thereby we may be affured of the verity of his Human Nature. For if he were not Man, then could not Man be redeemed by him; and if that Nature in which he appeared were not truly human, then could he not be truly Man. But we may be well affured that he took on him our Nature, when we fee him fubject unto our Infirmities. We know the Godhead is of infinite perfection, and therefore is exalted far above all poffibility of molestation. When therefore we fee our Saviour truly fuffer, we know

his

his Divine Effence fuffered not, and thence acknowledge the addition of his Human Nature, as the proper fubject of his Paffion. And from hence we may infallibly conclude, furely that Mediator between God and Man was truly Man, as we are men, who when he fasted was an hungry when he travelled was thirsty and weary as we are, who being grieved wept, being in an agony fweat, being fcourged bled, and being crucified died.

Secondly, it was neceffary Chrift fhould fuffer for the Redemption of lapfed men, and their reconciliation unto God; which was not otherwife to be performed than by a plenary fatisfaction to his will. He therefore was by all his fufferings made an Expiation, Atonement, and Propitiation for all our fins. For Salvation is impoffible unto finners without Remiffion of fin; and Remiffion in the decree of God impoffible without effufion of blood. Our Redemption therefore could not be wrought but by the blood of the Redeemer, but by a Lamb flain, but by a fuffering Saviour.

Thirdly, it behoved Chrift to fuffer that he might purchase thereby eternal Happiness in the Heavens both for himself the Head, and for the memP. 110.7. bers of his Body. He drunk of the brook in the way, therefore hath be Luxe 24.26. lift up his head. Ought not Chrift to fuffer, and fo to enter into his own

glory? And doth he not by the fame right by which he entred into it, confer that glory upon us? The recompenfe of the reward was fet before him, and through an intuition of it he chearfully underwent whatsoever was laid upon him. He must therefore neceffarily fuffer to obtain that Happiness, who is therefore happy because he fuffered.

ons.

Fourthly, it was neceffary Chrift fhould fuffer, that we might be affured that he is truly affected with a moft tender compaffion of our afflictiFor this end was he fubjected to Mifery, that he might become prone unto Mercy for this purpose was he made a Sacrifice, that he might be a compaflionate High-Prieft: and therefore was he most unmerciful to himself, that he might be most merciful unto us.

Fifthly, it was neceffary the Son of man fhould fuffer, thereby to fhew us that we are to fuffer, and to teach us how we are to fuffer. For if these things were done to the green tree, what shall be done to the dry? Nay, if God fpared not his natural, his eternal, his only-begotten Son; how fhall he fpare his adopted Sons, who are best known to be children because they are chaftifed, and appear to be in his paternal affection because they lie under his Fatherly correction? We are therefore Heirs, only because Coheirs with Chrift; and we fhall be Kings, only because we fhall reign together with him. It is a certain and infallible confequence, If Christ be rifen, then shall we also rife; and we must look for as ftrong a coherence in this other, If Chrift hath fuffered, then muft we expect to fuffer. And as he taught the Neceffity of, fo he left us the Direction in, our Sufferings. Great was the example of Job, but far fhort of abfolute perfection: the pattern beyond all exception is alone our Saviour, who hath taught us in all our afflictions the exercise of admirable Humility, perfect Patience, and abfolute Submiffion unto the will of God.

And now we may perceive the full importance of this part of the Article, and every every Christian may thereby understand what he is to believe, and what he is conceived to profefs, when he makes this confeffion of his Faith, He fuffered. For hereby every one is obliged to intend thus much: I am really perfuaded within my self, and do make a fincere profeffion of this as a most neceffary, certain and infallible Truth, That the only-begotten Son of God, begotten of the Father, and of the fame Effence with the Father, did for the

Re

f

Redemption of mankind really and truly fuffer; not in his Divinity, which was impaffible, but in his Humanity, which in the days of his Humiliation 12 was fubject unto our Infirmities: That as he is a perfect Redeemer of the whole man, fo he was a complete Sufferer in the whole; in his Body, by fuch dolorous Infirmities as arife internally from humane Frailties, and by fuch Pains as are inflicted by external Injuries; in his Soul, by fearful Apprehenfions, by unknown Sorrows, by Anguifh inexpreffible. And in this latitude and propriety I believe our Saviour fuffered.

A

Under Pontius Pilate.

Fter the fubftance of this part of the Article, confifting in our Saviour's Paffion, He fuffered, followeth the circumstance of time, declared by the prefent Governour, under Pontius Pilate. Which though the name of a stranger to the Commonwealth of Ifrael and the Church of Chrift, is well preferved to eternal memory in the facred Articles of our Creed. For as the Sun of God by his determinate counsel was fent into the world to die in the fulness of time, fo it concerns the Church to be affured of the time in which he died. And because the ancient custom of the world was, to make the computations by their Governours, and refer their Historical relations to the refpective times of their Government: therefore, that we might be properly affured of the Actions of our Saviour which he did, and of his Sufferings, (that is, the Actions which others did to him) the prefent Governour is named in that form of speech which is proper to fuch Historical or Chronological Narrations when we affirm that he fuffered under Pontius* 'Ezi пovi Pilate

Πιλάτε.Which words are ca

pable of a

double construction. First as they are used by S. Paul, 1 Tim. 6. 13. 'Ines, rỡ μaglvęścan izi Novlix Mixéry 7 xar odoviar, Who before Pontius Pilate witneffed a good confeffion; that is, ftanding before him as before a Judge. As of the fame perfon, Matt. 28. 14. Kai lav axxody T&To it's tÿ nyeμor®, If this come to be tried before the Procurator. Thus Feftus propounded it to S. Paul, Acts 25.9. Jiness zeiveat in ius; and S. Paul answered in the fame propriety of Speech, ἐπὶ τῇ βήμα ο Καίσαρ εςώς είμι. Thus Chrift tells his Apofles, Mark 13. 9. ἐπὶ ἡγεμόνων καὶ βασι New Sadhvede. And in this sense in is often used by the Greeks. Secondly, iri mixéry is under Pilate, that is, in the time of his Government, when and while he was Procurator of Judæa: as in άexigéw "Avva x Kaïápa, Luke 3. 2. and izi ’Aßiádag to de̟xieęśws, Mark 2. 26. Which is also according to the custom and language of the Greeks: As Kalaxhvoμòs izi Adnania iz70. Marm. Arundel. Οὗτοι ἦσαν ἐπὶ τῷ Λαομέδον ἢ ἐξανασάντων Τρώων, Plat. Εpift. ad Archytam: and ixi rúry Baciλoor, in this King's reign, is the common Phrafe of Paufanias. Thus the Athenians among their nine" Agxovles had one who was called 'Evμ, because his name was used for the denotation of that year; and the phrafe was usually, ini rỡ deiva, or inì rõ deva ägxol; as I find it thrice in one place. 'OS ('Iconogrus) iri Λυσιμάχο, Πλάτων ἢ ἐπὶ ̓Αμεινίς γέγονεν, ἐφ ̓ ᾧ Περικλῆς ἐτελεύτησεν. Laert. in Platone. In the fame manner did the Lacedæmonians make their Hiftorical accounts by their Ephori and the Argivi by the Priefteffes of Juno: 'Exi Xgurid & ΑρΓει τότε πεντήκοντα δυοῖν δέοντα ἔτη ἱερωμθύης καὶ ̓Αινησία ἐφόρε ο Σπάρτη, καὶ Πυθοδώρε ἔτι δύο μιας ἄρχοντος Αρταί 15. Thucyd. 1. 2. And as the Greeks thus referred all actions to the times of thefe Governours, fo did the Jews under the Roman Government to the Procurators of Judæa; as appeareth by Jofephus, who mentioning the first of that Office, Coponius, prefently relates the Infurrection of Judas Galilæus in this manner: ἐπὶ τότε (Κωπωνία) τις ανὴς Γαλιλαίας, Ἰάδας ὄνομα, εἰς ἀπόςασιν ἐπῆγε τὰς ἐπιχωρίες de Bell. Jud. l. 2. c. 12. then names his fuccefor Ambivius, ἐφ ̓ ᾧ Σαλώμη "Iæviáv xalaréner after him Rufus, ip' § dù x Tendulã Kairag. Antiq. Jud. l. 18. c. 3. And in the fame manner in the Creed, watóvla izì Пolis Máry, our Saviour fuffered under Pontius Pilate; that is, at the time when he was Procu rator of Judæa; as Ignatius fully, in manga & nyeμovices Пovi Пáty. Epift. ad Magnefios. 2

And because he not only fuffered under him as the present Governour, but alfo was arraigned and condemned by him as a Judge; therefore it will be neceffary for the illustration of the manner, and confirmation of the truth, of our Saviour's Sufferings, to declare what hath been left and delivered to our knowledge, both concerning his Perfon and his Office.

* Paufanias

For the firft, we find him defcribed by two names: nor is any other name of his extant, although, according to the * general custom of the Romans, speaking of the

Romans,

faith, Τρία ὁπότε ἡ ὀλίγισα, καὶ ἔτι πλέονα ονόματα εκάσῳ τίθεν). And although Diomedes and Plutarch have obferved, that even among the Romans there were fome diavvua, yet the pranomen was never omitted, as Prifcian affirmed, Ex illo tempore confuetudo tenuit, ut nemo Romanus fit abfque prænomine, lib. 2.

* Pontius and he should have three. The first of these two is *Pontius, the name descendPilatus were to him from the original of his Family, which was very ancient; the fecond bis Nomen Pilatus, as a cognominal addition distinguishing from the rest descending men, in the from the fame Original.

and Cogno

Same manner

as Julius and Cæfar are defcribed by Suetonius: Non Cæfare & Bibulo, fed Julio & Cæfare, Cofs. actum fcriberent, bis eundem præponentes, nomine atque cognomine. lib. 1. cap. 20. Thus without a Prænomen or Agnomen, he is only known to us by his Nomen properly call'd, and his Cognomen. The nature of which two is thus defcribed by the Ancients: Nomen proprium eft gentilitium, id eft, quod originem gentis & familiæ declarat, ut Pontius Cornelius; Cognomen eft quod uniufcujufque proprium, & nominibus gentilitiis fubjungitur, ut Cato, Scipio. Diomedes de Orat. 1.1. Nomen quod Familiæ originem declarat, ut Cornelius; Cognomen, quod nomini fubjungitur, ut Scipio. Charifius l. 2. The frt of thefe Dionyfius calls τὸ συνολικὸν καὶ πατρωνυμικόν, Plutarch οἰκίας ἢ χίας κοινόν· and κοινὸν Σπό συΓηυείας· the econd he calls ogonloeixòr it iπility. Thus Pontius was his Nomen gentis or gentilitium, and Pilatus his Cognomen. As therefore Pontius Aquila, Pontius Cominius, Pontius Herennius, Pontius Paulinus, &c. fo alfo Pontius Pilatus. Wherefore in vain have fome of the Ancients endeavoured to give an Etymology of these names, as they do of Greek and Hebrew names in the Scripture, and think thereby to express the nature or actions of them that bare the names. As Ifidorus Hifpal. Orig. 7. c. 1o.. Pontius declinans concilium, utique Judæorum: acceptâ enim aquâ lavit manus fuas, dicens, Innocens ego fum à fanguine hujus jufti. And Eutychius Patriarch of Alexandria deduced Pontius from an Ifland called Ponta, near to Rome. And S. Jerome, Quod fignificat nomen Pilati, i. e. Malleatoris, i. e. qui domat ferreas gentes, ad Mat. 15. Pilatus, Os malleatoris; quia dum Chriftum ore fuo & juftificat & condemnat, more Malleatoris utrinque ferit. Ifid. Ib. Pontius declinans concilium; Pilatus, Os malleatoris. S. Jer. de nom, Hebraicis, in Luca, & rurfus in Actis. Where he lets us understand that thefe Etymologies were made from the Hebrew language; and makes an excufe, becaufe the letter P is here taken for the Hebrew, to which the Latin F more properly answers. Sed fciendum eft quod apud Hebræos P litera non habetur, nec ullum nomen eft quod hoc elementum fonet: abufivè igitur accipienda, quafi per F litteram fcripta fint. Thus did they vainly strive to find an Hebrew Original, and that such an one as should reprefent the conditions of Pilate; when these two names are nothing else but the Roman Nomen and Cognomen of that Perfon.

He was by birth a Roman, by degree of the Equestrian Order, fent by Tiberius the Emperor to be a Governour of Judea. For about threefcore years before our Saviour's birth the Jews by Pompey the Great were made tributary to the Romans. And altho' during the life of Hircanus the High-Pricft, the reign of Herod and his Son Archelaus, the Roman State fuffered the Jews to be ruled by their own Laws and Governors; yet when Archelaus was banished by Auguftus, they received their Governours from the Roman Emperour, being made a part of the * Province of Syria, belonging to his care. In Melons the life of Auguftus there was a Succeffion of three, Coponius, Ambivius, is imagxia. and Rufus. At the beginning of the reign of Tiberius they were governed Bell. Jud. 1.2. by Valerius Gracchus, and at his departure by Pontius Pilate.

* Ts 'A3%E

λάν ἐθναρχίας

Jofeph. de

c. 13. Ts 5

Αρχελάς χώρας υποτελές προσνεμηθείσης τῇ Σύρων. in Antig. Jud. l. 17. 6. 15. Παρά ἢ Κυρήνιον εἰς τ' Ικδαίαν προσθήκην Eveías vivo peple. Ibid. l. 18. c. 1.

The Office which this Pilate bare was the Procuratorship of Judea, as is * Tacitus most evident out of the Hiftory both of the * Romans, from whom he reSpeaking of the Chriftians, ceived his authority, and of the Jews, over whom he exercised his dominion. Author no- But what was the Office of a † Procurator in those times, tho' neceffary for

minis ejus

Chriftus, qui Tiberio imperante per Procuratorem Pontium Pilatum fupplicio affectus eft. Annal. l. 15. And Tertullian, moft skilful of their Laws and Customs, speaks thus of our Saviour; poftremò oblatum Pontio Pilato, Syriam tunc ex parte Romanâ procuranti, Apologet. cap. 21. Whom S. Cyprian follows: Hunc Magiftri eorum-Pontio Pilato, qui tunc ex parte Romanâ Syriam procurabat, tradiderunt, adverf. Demetr. Thus alfo Jofephus for the Jews: Пempleis 5 εἰς Ἰυδαίαν ἐπίτροπος υπό Τιβερία Πιλάτος, de Bell. Jud. l. 2. c. 14. And Philo, Πιλάτος ἦν ἢ ὑπάρχων ἐπίτροπος αποδεδει pelé 'Ixdaías, de legat. ad Caium. And therefore thofe words of S. Luke c. 3. 1. yeμorotor Hovlis árs ledains were properly tranflated by the old Interpreter, procurante Pontio Pilato Judæam. Thus Lucius Dexter ad annum Chrifti 28. Pontius Pilatus procurator Judææ à Tiberio mittitur in Judæam. And Juftin Martyr moft properly; Tor sowρωθέντα ἐπὶ Ποντία Πιλάτε, το λυομθύρες εν Ιεδαίᾳ ἐπὶ χρόνοις Τιβερία ΚαίσαςΘ ἐπιτρόπε. Apol. 2. And again, fpeaking to the Emperors, by whom the Procurators were fent; Καὶ Πιλάτε τὸ ὑμετέρες παρ' Ινδαίοις προρθώς επιτρέπει. And again, μὲ τὸ ὀνόματα Ιησέ Χρισέ, το ταυρωθέν Θ· ἐπὶ Ποντία, τα Ανορθώς ἐπιτρέπει ε Ιεδαίας. Dial. cum Tryph. As alΤο Eufebius, Δωδεκάτω ενιαυτῷ ο Τιβερία βασιλείας, ἐπίτροπο τ Ιεδαίας υπό Τιβερία καθίςα) Πιλάτο. Ηift. l. 1. c. 10. And S. Jerom's Tranflation of his Chronicon; Pilatus Procurator Judææ à Tiberio mittitur. Thus it appears that Pilate of the Equeftrian Order was properly Procurator, as that Office was ordinarily given to men of that Order, as Tacitus teftifies: Cn. Julius Agricola utrumque avum procuratorem Cæfarum habuit, quæ equeftris nobilitas eft, in vit. Jul. Agr. Which is to be understood concerning the Imperial Provinces: for into thofe which were of the Provinces of the People, the Procurators fent by Cæfar were of the Liberti. For the Emperor fent into all the Provinces his Procurators, but with this diference, as Dio obferves ; εἰς πάντα ὁμοίως τὰ ἔθνη, τά τε ἑαυτὰς καὶ τὰ τῇ δήμε, τὰς μὲ ἐκ τ ἱππέων, τις ἢ ἐκ ν' ἀπελευθέρων, πέμπει. Hift. Ι. 53. The Roman Procurator is ordinarily in Greek Authors expressed by their Exireg, as the Gloff. Latin. Grac. Procurator, 'Exiregn. But yet they are not of the fame latitude in their ufe; Επίτροπος comprehending the Notion of Tutor as well as procurator. Hefych. Επίτροπος, ο προσαγῶν χωρίων, καὶ ὅλης τ olas, igaväv. Gloff. Vet. 'Enirogres, Procurator, Tutor. 'Exiregros therefore was fed by the Greeks in both No

tions, whereof Procurator of the Latins is but one. And in the Language of the Romans he is a Procurator which undertakes to manage the business of another man. Procurator fi negotium fufcipit, faith Afconius in Divin, and Sex. Pompeius, Procurator abfentis nomine actor fit; be to whom the care of another man's eftate or affairs was committed. Gloff Vet. Evo, commiffum, & Eros, procurator. In correspondence to thefe Procurators of the affairs and eftates of private perfons, there were made fuch as did take care in every Province of the Imperial Revenue; who, in respect of the Perfon whom they ferved, were called Procuratores Cæfaris, or Auguftales; in refpect of the Countries where they ferved, were termed Procuratores Provinciales, Their Office is beft defcribed by Dion. Hift. I. 53. Tas i=1logG STO IS τάς τε κοινὰς προσόδες εκλέγοντας, καὶ προσεταιρθρα σφίσιν ἀναλίσκοντας, ὀνομάζομαι. We call, fays he, thefe Επιτρόπως, that is, Procuratores, which receive the publick Revenues, and difpofe of them according to the commands received from the Emperor. For they acted in his name, and what was done by them was accounted as done by the Emperor himself. Quæ acta gefta funt à Procuratore Cæfaris, fic ab eo comprobari ac fi à Cæfare gefta effent, Ulpian. l. 1. ff. As we read in Tacitus of the Emperor Claudius; Sæpius audita vox Principis, parem vim rerum habendam à Procuratoribus fuis judicatarum, ac fi ipfe ftatuisset. Annal. Î. 12. And in Suetonius; Ut rata effent quæ Procuratores fui in jus dicando ftatuerent à Senatu precario exegit. The proper Office therefore of the Provincial Procurator was, to receive the Imperial Revenue, and difpofe of it as the Emperor commanded, and to all intents and purposes to do fuch things as were neceffary thereunto, with fuch authority as if the Emperor himself had done them.

our prefent purpose, is not fo eafie to determine, because it was but newly introduced into the Roman Government. For before the Dominion of that City was changed from a Common-wealth into an Empire, there was no fuch publick Office in any of the Provinces, and particularly in Judaa none till after the Banishment of Archelaus, fome years after our Saviour's birth when Auguftus divided the Provinces of the Empire into two parts, one of which he kept for his own care, and left the other to the infpection of the Senate, he fent, together with the President of each Province, as the Governour in chief of the Province, a Procurator, whofe Office was, to take an account of all the Tribute, and whatsoever was due to the Emperor, and to order and difpofe of the fame for his advantage. Neither was there at the first institution of this Office any other act belonging properly to their Jurifdiction, but fuch a care and difpofal of the Imperial Revenue: which they exercised as inferior and fubordinate to the Prefident, always fupreme Provincial Officer.

Now Judaa being made part of a Province of Syria, and confequently under the care of the Prefident of that Province, according to this Institution, a particular Procurator was affigned unto it for the difpofing of the Emperor's Revenue. And because the Nation of the Jews were always fufpected of a Rebellious Difpofition against the Roman State, and the Prefident of Syria, * This appearwho had the Power of the Sword, was forced to attend upon the other Parts eth by Coponius, the first of his Province; therefore the Procurator of Judea was furnished with* Power of Life and Death, and so adminiftred all the Power of the Prefident, rator of Judæa, who which was, as to the Jews, fupreme. Which is very obfervable, as an emi- was brought nent Act of the Providence of God, by which the full Power of Judicature in byQuirinus Præfcs of Syin Judea was left in the hands of the Refident Procurator.

ria, when he

came to difpofe of the Goods of Archelaus, and to reduce Judæa into the Form of a Province, and adjoin it to Syria. of this Coponius Jofephus writerh after this manner, Κωπώνιός τε αὐτῷ (Κυρίωίῳ) σε καταπέμπει, τάγματος ἳ ἱππέων ἡγησόμθμος Ιεδαίων τῇ ἐπὶ πᾶσιν ἐξεσίᾳ, that being of the Equeftrian Order, he was fent with Quirinus to govern the Jews with the fupreme power, Antiq. 1. 18. c. 1. And yet more exprefly, as to the time, occafion and extent of his power: Τῆς ἢ Αρχελάς χώρας εἰς ἐπαρχίαν πες Γραφείσης, ἐπιρωπός τις ἱππικῆς οο Ρωμαίοις τάξεως, Κωπώνιος πέμπει, μέχρι το zleivesv Axbwv y T8 Kairagos izsoiav. Id. de Bell. Jud. l. 2. c. 11. When those parts which were under the command of Archelaus were reduced into a Province, Coponius was sent thither by the Emperor, and furnished with power of life and death. For although in the Proconfular Provinces the Procurator of the Emperor had no power but on these things which belonged to the Exchequer; yet in thofe Provinces which were properly præfidiales, the Procurator was often loco Præfidis. From whence in the ancient Infcriptions we read of the fame Perfon, Procurator & Præfes Alpium, Procurator & Præfes provinciarum per Orientem, Procurator & Præfes provinciæ Sardiniæ. It was often therefore fo, that the Procurator did Præfidis partibus fungi: as Ulpian. 1. 8. de officio Proconfulis; In provinciam enim Præfidum provinciarum, nec aliter Procuratori Cæfaris, hæc cognitio injungitur, quam Præfidis partibus in provincia fungatur. And this is very neceffary to be obferved, because a Procurator barely fuch, not armed with the power of the Præfes provinciæ, had not the power of the Sword. As Antoninus to Valerius; Procurator meus, qui vice Præfidis non fungebatur, exilii tibi pœnam non potuit irrogare. 1. 9. Cod. de pænis. And to Heliodorus; Procurator meus, qui vice Præfidis provinciæ non fungitur, ficut exigere pœnam defertæ accufationis non poteft, ita judicare ut ea inferatur fententiâ fua non poteft, 1.3. C. Ubi Caufa. This was plain in the cafe of Lucilius Capito, Procurator of Afia minor, who was called in '. question for exceeding his power, and deferted therein by Tiberius. Procurator Afiae Lucilius Capito, accufante provincia, caufam dixit magna cum adfeveratione Principis, non fe jus nifi in fervitia & pecunias familiares dediffe. Quod fi vim Prætoris ufurpâffet, manibufque militum ufus foret, fpreta in ea mandata fua, audirent focios. Tacit. Annal. And Dio upon the faid example obferves in general, that the Procurators had no fuch power. Ovề ižkữ TÓTE Tôîç Tà autonзατορικά χρήματα διοκᾶσι πλέον εἰδὲν ποιεῖν, ἢ τὰς νενομισμυρίας προσίδες αλέειν, καὶ ἀεὶ αμφορῶν ἔν τε τῇ ἀγορᾷ καὶ καὶ τὰς Tóμs ÉžÍGY TOîs idiótang dixάges. But although the ordinary Procurators had no other Power but to difpofe of the Revenue; and determine private Caufes; yet he which was vice Præfidis had the power of the Præfes: and fuch a Procurator was Pontius Pilate in Judæa, as the others who preceded him also were. Cc 2

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