liament as member for Tiverton in Devon, and identified himself with the conciliation-party during the progress of the unhappy dispute with America. On the appearance of a ministerial pamphlet, in 1779, entitled A Short History of the Opposition,' in which it was contended that the revolt of the colonies had been originally suggested and afterwards supported and matured by the language and measures of an ambitious, disaffected, and dangerous minority in both houses of parliament, Mr Wilmot drew his pen, and in a sensible and calm but spirited reply flung back the insinuation on the party with whom it had originated.

On the accession of Shelburne to the premiership the member for Tiverton was appointed first commissioner for settling the claims of the American loyalists,—a difficult and delicate task, but one in which he acquitted himself to the satisfaction both of the public and the lords of the treasury. During the discussion of the treaty between France and America, in 1783, Mr Wilmot defended the Provisional articles relative to the American loyalists, speaking of whom he said: "I would share with them my last shilling, and my last loaf; and if the legislature of this country was not disposed to do them the justice they deserve, I would be the first to open a subscription in their favour, and commence it by giving a moiety of all I am worth in the world."

In the new commission on the bill brought in by the Coalition ministry for settling the claims of the American loyalists, Mr Wilmot was again placed at the head of the commissioners. The commission discharged their duties in an able and upright manner, and received the thanks of all parties for their conduct. On the 31st of March, 1790, they reported that claims to the amount of £10,358,413 had been presented, and that they had examined claims to the amount of £8,216,126. Mr. Wilmot supported Pitt's administration, but retired from parliament in May, 1796, and in 1804 resigned his mastership in chancery, and dedicated the remainder of his life to literary retirement. He died on the 23d of June, 1815. His acknowledged works are: 1. The Life of Hough, Bishop of Worcester; 2. Memoirs of Sir John E. Wilmot, Knt.; 3. A Short Defence of the Opposition; and, 4. Historical View of the Commission for inquiry into the Claims of the American Loyalists.

Charles, Duke of Norfolk.

BORN A. D. 1746.-DIED A. D. 1815.

THIS singular character was the second son of Charles Howard of Greystock in Cumberland, who succeeded collaterally to the title of Duke of Norfolk by his descent from Thomas, Earl of Arundel. son, the subject of the present notice, became eleventh duke of Norfolk, on the demise of his father in August, 1786.

His

He was educated in the Roman Catholic faith, but publicly abjured the errors of that church in the year 1780, and soon afterwards obtained a seat in the house of commons as member for the city of Carlisle. He immediately joined the party in opposition to North, and on the accession of the Rockingham administration was appointed lord-lieutenant of the west riding of Yorkshire. He opposed Shelburne, but accepted

office under the duke of Portland, and, on the rise of Pitt, became a steady advocate for parliamentary reform, and joined the popular political societies of the day.

In 1798 he was discharged from his lieutenancy, and deprived of the command of a regiment of militia which he had trained with no common care, for having presided at the annual meeting of the whig club, and given as a toast The Majesty of the People.' Eight years afterwards, on the accession of his friend Fox, he was restored to his official honours. From this period, however, he assumed a more moderate tone in politics, and even supported the Property-tax Bill' of 1815, after Earl Grey had pronounced it an unequal, vexatious, and oppressive measure." He was a uniform and zealous opponent of the slavetrade, however. He died in the last-mentioned year.

66

The duke possessed some literary talents and occasionally exercised a very judicious patronage of literary men; but he not unfrequently treated them with great harshness. In his private manners he was licentious in the extreme, and he treated the unhappy offspring of his amours with most unfeeling neglect and harshness. Shortly before his death he celebrated the centenary of the signature of Magna Charta in a grand festival at Arundel Castle.

Charles, Earl Stanhope.

BORN A. D. 1753.-died A. D. 1816.

THE Stanhopes are a Durham family. The first of the house ennobled was John Stanhope, who was created a baron by James I.; but his son dying without issue, the title became extinct. Alexander Stanhope, only son of Philip, Earl of Chesterfield, was created Baron Stanhope of Mahon in 1717, and obtained the title of Earl Stanhope in the following year. Philip, the second earl, was a man of literary tastes, and one of the first mathematicians of his age. He was, like his father, a whig in politics. He died in March, 1786, and was succeeded by his eldest surviving son, the subject of this notice, who was educated at Eton and Geneva.

On the death of his elder brother he became Viscount Mahon, and on his return to England was introduced to parliament through the influence of Lord Shelburne. In 1775 he published a small tract entitled 'Considerations on the means of preventing fraudulent practices on the Gold coin. At a later period in life, he turned his attention also towards the prevention of forgery on bank-paper. His remedies or preventives in both cases were purely mechanical, and of doubtful efficacy From the period of his first publication to within a few years of his death, Earl Stanhope employed himself in a variety of scientific researches, mostly of an economical nature, the fruits of which he occasionally laid before the public. He applied his ingenuity to the discovery of the best method of protecting houses against fire, and against the effects of lightning,-to the economy of planting and brick-making, -and to the improvement of the art of printing. He also published an essay on the Principles of the science of tuning Instruments with axed Tones.'

In parliament he zealously opposed the American war, and made a variety of attempts to put down corrupt election practices. He ably exposed the absurdity of Pitt's plan for the reduction of the debt, but strenuously supported the minister in the discussion on the regency bill in 1788. In the same year he greatly distinguished himself by his exertions to purge the statute-book of various odious and inequitable penal laws; he was unsuccessful in his efforts, but he declared that he would persist in them to the latest moments of his public life, and that "if the right reverend bench of bishops would not allow him to load away their rubbish by cart-fulls, he would endeavour to carry it away in wheel-barrows; and, if that mode of removal were resisted, he would take it away if possible with a spade,—a little at a time."

Earl Stanhope was one of the founders of the Revolution society,' whose object was to cherish and perpetuate the principles of the British Revolution. At the annual meeting of this society, on the 5th of November, 1789, Dr Price preached, in the former part of the day, his famous discourse' On the Love of our Country.' In this discourse the principles of government were stated in a mode which the sanction of a century had rendered familiar to Englishmen; and the great doctrines of civil and religious liberty inculcated. "The improvement of the world depends," the preacher affirmed, "on the attention given by men to this topic. Nor will mankind be ever as virtuous and happy as they are capable of being, till the attention to it becomes universal and efficacious. If we forget it, we shall be in danger of an idolatry as gross and stupid as that of the ancient heathens, who, after fabricating blocks of wood or stone, fell down and worshipped them." At the conclusion, expatiating on the friendly aspect of the times to the cause of liberty, the preacher broke out into the following exclamation: "What an eventful period is this! I am thankful that I have lived to it; and I could almost say, Lord! now lettest thou thy servant depart in peace, for mine eyes have seen thy salvation.' I have lived to see a diffusion of knowledge which has undermined superstition and error; I have lived to see the rights of men better understood than ever, and nations panting for liberty which seemed to have lost the idea of it; I have lived to see thirty millions of people indignantly and resolutely spurning at slavery, and demanding liberty with an irresistible voice, their king led in triumph, and an arbitrary monarch surrendering himself to his subjects. After sharing in the benefits of one revolution, I have been spared to be a witness to two other revolutions, both glorious; and now methinks I see the ardour for liberty catching and spreading, and a general amendment beginning in human affairs, the dominion of kings changed for the dominion of laws, and the dominion of priests giving way to the dominion of reason and conscience. Be encouraged, all ye friends of freedom, and writers in its defence! The times are auspicious. Your labours have not been in vain! Behold kingdoms, admonished by you, starting from sleep, breaking their fetters, and claiming justice from their oppressors! Behold the light you have struck out, after setting America free, reflected to France, and there kindled into a blaze that lays despotism in ashes and warms and illuminates Europe!" Impressed with these sentiments, the society-whose numbers on this occasion far exceeded those of any former anniversary -unanimously resolved, on the motion of Dr Price, to offer, in a for

V.

G

mal address, "their congratulations to the National assembly, on the event of the late glorious revolution in France." This being transmitted by their chairman, Earl Stanhope, to the Duke de la Rochefoucault, and laid by that nobleman before the assembly, was received with loud acclamations. "It belonged," said Rochefoucault in his reply, "to Dr Price, the apostle of liberty, to propose a motion tending to pay to liberty the fairest homage, that of national prejudices. In that address is seen the dawn of a glorious day, in which two adverse nations shall contract an intimate union, founded on the similarity of their opinions and their common enthusiasm for liberty." The archbishop of Aix, president of the National assembly, transmitted to Earl Stanhope the vote of the assembly relative to the address, stating "that the assembly was deeply affected with this extraordinary proof of esteem, and directing the president to express to the Revolution society, the lively sensibility with which the National assembly had received an address, breathing those sentiments of humanity and universal benevolence, that ought to unite together in all countries of the world the true friends of liberty, and the happiness of mankind." These were very decided proceedings, and exposed Earl Stanhope to no little misrepresentation and political hostility. His lordship, however, continued true to the cause in which he had thus embarked, and on the publication of Burke's celebrated speech on the French revolution, addressed a very spirited Letter in Answer' to the right honourable gentleman.

66

In 1792 Lord Stanhope warmly supported Fox's 'Libel Bill,' and published a small volume entitled The Rights of Juries Defended,' in which he describes trial by jury as the impregnable Gibraltar of the English constitution," "the stronghold and fortress of the people." His lordship maintained a steady and consistent opposition to the war-measures against France. On the 6th of January, 1795, he moved, in his place in the upper house, a resolution which was not supported even by his own friends in the minority, but his lordship entered the following protest on the journals:

"January 9th, 1795.

"Dissentient. 1st. Because the motion made for the house to adjourn was professedly intended to get rid of the following resolution, viz. Resolved, that this country ought not, and will not interfere in the internal affairs of France; and that it is expedient explicitly to declare the same.'

"2dly. Because I hold that it is contrary to equity and justice for any foreign country to interfere in the internal affairs or constitution of the French republic, or of any other independent nation.

3dly. Because the government of Great Britain, (not having been elected by the citizens of France,) can have no more right to give to France a monarchical, aristocratical, or other form of government whatever, than the crowned despots of Prussia and Russia had to overturn the constitution of (now unhappy) Poland.

"4thly. Because I highly disapprove and reprobate the doctrine alvanced by ministers in the debate, namely, 'That to restore the ancient and hereditary monarchy of France no expense should be spared.' And I reprobate that pernicious and uncivic doctrine the more strongly, from its not having been suddenly, hastily, or inconsiderately started,

but from its having been taken up (as it was solemnly declared) upon the utmost deliberation.

"5thly. Because I deem it to be an injustice committed by ministers towards my fellow-citizens to adopt a principle which shall render it necessary for the government of Great Britain to lay further heavy burthens upon the people; and to tax their houses, their windows, their beer, their candles, their shoes, and many other conveniencies and necessaries of life, in order to provide a fund to attempt the accomplishment of such wicked purposes as aforesaid.

66

6thly. Because the proposed resolution above stated was intended by me as a solemn pledge' that the government of this nation would not interfere in the internal affairs of France; but the refusal of the house to give such a pledge tends to shut the door to peace, and consequently tends to insure the ruin of this manufacturing, commercial, and once happy country: particularly considering the increased and rapidly increasing strength of the navy of the French republic, independently of the prospect there is of their having the navies of Holland and Spain under their immediate influence.

7thly. Because the public funds, the paper currency, and the public and private credit of this country will probably be unequal to stand against the tremendous shock to which the ministers will now expose them.

"8thly. Because I think that frankness, fairness, humanity, and the principles of honesty and of justice, are always in the end the best policy. And I believe it to be true in regard to nations (as well as respect to individuals) that nothing that is not just can be wise, or likely to be ultimately prosperous."

with

"9thly. Because I lament the more that the house should refuse to disclaim the interfering in the internal constitution of France, inasmuch as by the new constitution of the French republic, one and indivisible, adopted by the present national convention, on the 23d of June, 1793, and under the title Of the Relation of the French republic with foreign nations, and by the articles 118 and 119 of that constitution it is declared and enacted,

"That the French people is the friend and natural ally of every free nation. It does not interfere with the government of other nations: it does not suffer that other nations should interfere with its own.'

"So frank, so fair, and so explicit a declaration on their part did, in my opinion, entitle them to a better species of return.

66

10thly. Because I conceive that a true republican form of government being firmly established in France, is much more safe to the liberties of the people of Great Britain, than the tyrannical, capricious, perfidious, secret, intriguing, and restless, ancient monarchy of France, or than any other monarchy they could there establish; but even if I were of a direct opposite way of thinking, I would not be guilty of the gross injustice of attempting to force a monarchy upon them contrary

to their inclination.

"11thly. Because I think that no war ought to be continued that can by a proper line of moderation be avoided; and the more especially with respect to the French people, who, by their republican exertions, republican enthusiasm, and republican courage, have made victory the almost constant order of the day.'