deal their opinions forth with an infolent authority, which gives difgut to every liberal mind; nay, they fometimes catch the infection from the Critical Reviewers, and defcend to abfolute fcurrility, unmindful of that enviable diftinction which is the confequence of liberality and candour. Notwithftanding the apparent independence of their character, and the proud tone of their opinions, they can neverthelefs defcend to a meannefs which, of all others, befpeaks a molt abject littlenefs of mind; I mean that of receiving the pitiful adulation of an illiterate fcribbler, who makes their index, and returning in kind a quantum fuficit of the fame ingredient, when they ought, on the contrary, to have expreffed the molt unequivocal marks of difapprobation. Nor can I pafs unnoticed their ready obedience to every querulous complainant, by which they render their Review fubfervient to impotent abufe, and become often the propagators of fhameless infinuations, malicious affertions, and grofs invectives. It was not formerly thus:

But now, oh, ftrange reverfe! our Cri

tics b wi

In praise of can lour with a heart of

gall.

Previous to clofing this short account of the principal Reviews, allow me, Sir, to offer a few remarks on the fecrecy which furrounds the writers of thofe journals. One of the best French publications of this nature (I mean the Magazin Encyclopedique) boldly places on the wrapper the names of thofe who write the various criticifms; and in addition to this, the initials, and fometimes the name at full length, are always fubjoined to every article; and it should be fo. The procefs of Reviewing has ever been conducted with a degree of fecrecy and myfticifm which are effentially hoftile to the interefts of literature, and to the enlargement of knowledge. An author fhould know by whom he is judged; the public should know by whom they are taught, and by whom their judgements are directed; and a Reviewer fhould feel that he is liable to be called upon publicly and perfonally to defend his arguments if they be attacked, and to fubstantiate his cenfures if they be difputed. This, Sir, would reftrain, on the hand, infolence, ignorance, and brutality, from trampling on the eftablished laws of decorum, from fporting with the tendereft feelings of civilized man, and from affuming functions which they are incompetent to fulfil: on the other hand, it would give to unambitious modefty, to the children of found learning, and to the pupils of heaven-born.genius, a means to vindicate their rights, and to repel unprovoked aggreffion; and, farther, it final judge which must stamp the would inspire the public, who is the feal of immortality on the productions of the human mind, with a juft confidence in those who arrogate to themfelves the right of first pointing out what is or what is not worthy of being cherished by the genial breath of approbation. This is a confummation devoutly to be withed by every good, by every

one

THERE has recently appeared a work, which may be deemed in fome measure a literary curiofity; and as fuch, I will, with your permiffion, offer a few remarks upon it.

Engelstoft, a Danish writer, publifhed in the year 1802, a book entitled, " Om den Indflydelfe, Opdragelfen, ifær den offentlige, Kan have paa, at indplante Riarlighed bil Fædrelandet, &c." i. e. "How far Education, and particularly Public Education, can contribute to infpire Man with the Love of his Country."

In a fhort advertisement prefixed to the work, the author ays down the plan and contents of his treatise; he then proceeds to decide what may be ftrictly termed amor patriæ: he describes its energy and importance; he reverts to the moft fplendid inftances produced by the heroes of Greece and Rome; and he proves that among them this virtue was not a fingular or unfrequent thing, but that it neceffarily refulted from their political conftitution, from their laws, their establishments, and their education. He next fhews, that a government cannot poffefs any means of awakening and ftrengthening this virtue, fo decidedly appropriate, certain, and active, as education.

After these preliminary obfervations, M. Engelftoft obferves, that the art of infpiring true patriotifm through the medium of education refts on two principal points; viz. the inftruction itself, and the adventitious or exterior adjuncts. Thefe are, a phyfical and military education, and folemn inftitutions, which are calculated to roufe the emotions of the heart, and to produce a powerful effect upon the fenfes.

In the first chapter, the author fhews to what an extent inftruction Hh

is capable of producing in the bofom of young citizens that important virtue which we denominate patriotifm, or a love of one's country. As the basis of his reafoning, he adopts the following beautiful and fimple thefis that a young citizen can love fociety only in proportion as he is fundamentally acquainted with its properties. This pofition is then ramified into every poffible divifion, leading to the conclufion--that the most important objects to be confidered in a political educacation, are, the conftitution, the laws, the nature, and in fact the organization of fociety; the country and its natural advantages, its antient glory, the exploits and noble actions of which it has been the fcene, the glory of the nation relative to the arts and fciences, the state religion, and the national language.

I redde with great fatisfaction the reflections of the author on patriotifm in monarchies; on the moral and political ufe of poetry, and of a fimple but expreffive mufic; on the utility of a political creed, of a good national hiftory (which the author confeffes he has found no where but among the English), &c. &c. In fpeaking of the glory of the arts and fciences, the author demonftrates how much they are capable of exciting the emulation of youth, if experience and hiftory prove that the government has ever been prompt to encourage, to affift, and to honour them. But if honour, that moft facred reward of a state, be diftributed according to priority, or the dictates of caprice; if titles and diftinctions are bestowed in confequence of rank or favour, then the ftate or its reprefentatives will not feel that patriotifm which the author is induced to fuppofe would otherwife refult from this fpecies of historical instruction. Hence Helvetius has well obferved,

"We

nifhment the conduct of the greater part of European nations, who confide the administration of their finances to fo many people, and yet appoint no one to watch over the diftribution of honours. A difcreet administration of honorary rewards would prove the strongest method which legiflators can employ to unite and render as one, individual and general interest.” In confidering a state religion, as one object of instruction, the author afcribes to the Chriftian faith various advantages over the antient forms of worship, on account of the humanity which it breathes in every part. But in order to render this fpirit of humanity perceptible, we must first banish fectical notions, dogmatical intolerance, futile fpeculations on orthodoxy and heterodoxy, and every femblance of hierarchy and fymbolic books.

In the fecond chapter, M. Engelftoft gives his opinion on the influence of phyfical and military inftruction with regard to patriotism. He there demonftrates, that among a whole nation, as well as among individuals, nothing great can be effected without the existence of a certain mafculine and vigorous character, a certain activity, a certain energy and vivacity. The author clearly fhews the neceffity of multiplying the points of contact between the different claffes of citizens, and he fpeaks highly in favour of public feafts and feftivals. Indeed, the whole of this chapter betrays the hand of a mafter. He points out of what nature the public exercises for youth ought to be, how great their importance is, and their influence on the mind. He supports his reflections by examples drawn from antient and modern hiftory, particularly the northern, and by the authority of great names, as Müller, Adam Smith, Filangieri, &c.

ifm: in this influence exifts the proper means of exciting the heart, and appealing to the fenfes. The folemn inauguration into the rights of a citizen among the Greeks and Romans and the antient Germans, the principles and example of the church, and the glowing ideas of Mirabeau, Filangieri, &c., guide our author in the developement of his principal project: "the folemn "the folemn reception of a young citizen into the body politic." He then recommends fêtes and national spectacles, that is, fuch as have fome connection with events poffeffing a general intereft, provided that they be free from all spirit of faction, and from all individual influnece.

The author then adds fome reflections on the fuperiority of public education, on the poffibility of infpiring an entire people with the true amor patria, and on the equity with which we ought to judge paft times, and the flowness of their progrefs. He clofes his work with an eulogy on the efforts which the Danish government has made towards expediting the education of its citizens, and an exhortation addreffed to the people of Denmark and Norway, to fhew themselves eager in laying the foundation of the happiness, glory, and independence of future generations.

Thus, Mr. Editor, I have endeavoured to give you a faithful analysis of this very fingular but excellent work. The ftyle of the author is fuited to the grandeur of his defign; it is energetic, impreffive, and folemn. The mufe of history is his regular guide, and prefents him with appropriate examples, drawn from the annals of antient and modern nations: the production is in every refpect important, and the enquiry is conducted with vaft ability, learning, and judge

Sect. 14. "There fhall be a feparate account kept of each and every of the plate and plates "which fhall be engraved for the "benefit of the Society, until the produce thereof feverally fhall "be fufficient to pay all the ex

pences of printing and publifh"ing, and likewife the returns ἐσ (profits) to the fubfcriber* or "fubfcribers of them, fo that each governor shall by thefe means re"ceive his or her returns from his or "her respective plate or plates. All "plates which may be engraved for "the embellishment of a letter prefs work fhall be kept in one joint account; and the produce "thereof, after all expences are de"ducted, fhall be divided from time "to time among thofe governors "whofe plate or plates shall be in the fame work, until the work fhall have produced fufficient to pay all 66 expences, and alfo make the returns "to the respective fubfcribers."

66

Sect. 15. "A ftatement of mo"nies received on account of the "refpective plates and works en66 graved and published for the bene"fit of the fociety, fhall be made "out as accurately as poffible, and "laid before the committee every quarter, and a complete account "of the fame fhall be rendered every year. And as often as it "Shall be found that there is a "balance in favour of any governor "for or upon account of his plate or plates, the committee fhall iffue an "order upon the treasurer for the full payment of the balance; which "order fhall be delivered by the "fecretary to the governor within "two days after the date thereof. "And in cafes of joint works, the "produce thereof shall be calculated "and divided between the governors "whofe plate or plates fhall be in the "fume work; and the committee thall iffue diftinct orders on the "treasurer for the amount of each "individual share payable to each "respective governor whofe plate or "plates fhall have formed a compo"nent part of the work; which or"ders fhall be delivered to them by "the fecretary, within two days

"from the dates thereof."

* Engravers engraving the plates.

In fome of the above rules there is an ambiguity of expreffion; for, in works to be published by the fociety, where the whole of the profits are carefully divided among governors, yet thefe are called "works publifhed for the benefit of the fociety." This ambiguity of expreftion, I am afraid, was found neceffary, in order to get them confirmed by the juftices at the quarter feffions; for the governors never could have come openly forward, and claimed a right of trading with the funds of the fociety for the immediate and entire benefit of their own order. From the above extract it very clearly appears, that the fame thing has been done under the fpecious terms of "works publighed for the benefit of the focicty. How the juftices came to fanétion thofe laws, I know not! no doubt they acted from the pureft motives. I fhall endeavour to prove that a benefit fociety employing its funds in trade is contrary to the laws in that cafe made and provided.

The laws of this fociety in no inftance give the governors a pofitive authority of publishing letter prefs; but the words "All works published for the embellishment of a letter prefs work," leave no doubt of the intention; and I fhall think myself juftified, from corroborating circumftances, to argue upon it accordingly.

Throughout thofe laws an unlimited power is given to the governors, uncontroulable by the other three claffes of the fociety. The governors formed the fociety; they create governors; they admit the other claffes of its members; they expel thofe members; they receive all the monies conftitut

ing its funds; they have the entire difpofal of the fame; they make its laws, and can alter them at their pleafure.

Such is the power affumed by this order over the other claffes of the fociety. How power has in