The difficulties of Republican émeutes are nearly as great, though in a different way. In Spain the populace of the great cities, which is very brave, very fanatic, and very full of socialist ideas, can always seize the cities for a moment, and so place Government in serious peril, because if left in peace the popular leaders could organize ruling juntas or committees, obtain revenue, and perhaps compel concessions to their ideas. In a smaller way they have most of the advantages for revolt possessed by the people of the Southern States of America, namely, a working machinery, through which to control and organize a mass of well-wishers into soldiers, and a general impression, arising from the traditional independence of the provinces, that such machinery ought to be obeyed. But, on the other hand, to begin operations the Republicans must seize the cities, or they gain no physical force; and the Spanish Generals have of late years been driven into most dreadful but most successful methods of holding cities down. The Spanish soldiery, though extremely good, brave, temperate, and obedient, have never been very numerous, and since the revolt in Cuba have been too few for the ordinary wants of the country. After Dulce had started for Cuba Prim found he had barely sixty thousand men on paper,

few more men; but the bands who occupy them only melt away, or fly to the nearest point of vantage, whence if unpursued they descend again. There are no arsenals to occupy, no stores to appropriate, no lines of communication to disturb. The insurgents want nothing but flour and powder, move generally on their feet, and seldom possess so much as a piece of artillery. Submissions mean nothing, for those who submit stipulate that they shall go home and do not keep there; and victories mean nothing, for the vanquished are not frightened by their defeat. Even disarmament is nearly useless, for the Legitimists of France send in more arms over the frontier. Pursuing insurgents in a country like Navarre or brigands in a country like Navarre is terrible work for soldiers, for they die and die by twos and threes, and get worn out with marching and night work and bad commissariat, and never see any result adequate to their efforts; and terrible work for the Treasury, which must find and move some kind of supplies. On the other hand, we must not forget that the result to the insurgents is always a very small one. They cannot get at the real Government. They cannot venture to attack the cities. They cannot inflict a defeat large enough to strike the imagination of the Army. They cannot plunder the plains or go anywhere where horsemen or 50,000 available, and of these he was or shells could reach them. No insurrec- compelled to concentrate 16,000 about tion of modern times was more formidable Madrid. It was impossible to "garrison" a than that of La Vendée, which lasted years dozen great cities, the fortresses, and Biscay and cost thousands of trained soldiers, but properly with the remainder, and he was it had no influence whatever upon the obliged, therefore, to call science unscrupgeneral course of affairs. Navarre and ulously to his aid, and shell rebels, at the Biscay may go on fighting in the same way risk of involving the innocent with the for months, and still they will make no guilty. The plan, carried out remorelessly impression on Madrid, or carry Don Car- in one conspicuous instance, succeeded so los an inch further forward to his throne, completely that the Captains-General now or effect anything except crippling the threaten it to every city which rises, and Treasury, and making the Army bitterly émeute without the soldiery has become hostile to the cause which involves so nearly if not quite impossible. The Spanmuch bloodshed and danger with so little ish artillery is splendid, nearly every town return. This, the bitter feeling excited is commanded from some height or from among soldiers by suffering, is one of the the sea, and men with smooth-bores in incurable difficulties of insurgents, and is their hands might as well contend against nowhere so fatal to them as in Spain, angels or demons as against a rain of shells where the soldiery nearly if not completely to which they cannot make even the semdispose of the supreme power, and must blance of a reply. The moment Governbe attracted before a Revolution can be ments have reached such a point of recksuccessful. The only plan left to insur-lessness that they will destroy a city rather gents in such a case is to whittle the Army than suffer an émeute, civil populations be-down, and this has been the danger in come powerless, and must perforce submit Spain against which the new levy is in- to the laws until a movement among the tended to guard. That levy, however, soldiery again sets them free. will arrive too soon for the effect of depletion to be sufficient to be of political ac

count.

We cannot think, therefore, that failing a military revolt, the Government of Spain is in danger just yet of being overset, and

From The Saturday Review. ITALY AT WORK.

of a military revolt there is as yet no sign. I strength to rule her, will rule unselfishly. There may be one, for there is no doubt Prim had the strength, but Prim could that the feeling against "the stranger" is never forget himself. strong, and Serrano cannot rid himself of his prejudice in favour of Alphonso; but the probability is that there will be none, and that King Amadeo will in a few weeks find himself in a much stronger position than he has yet occupied. The respectable classes are terribly frightened about So- THERE is probably no European councialism. The Army has fought in his name, try about which English opinion is so and admires the remarkable personal strangely ignorant or unjust as about Italy. courage which enables him to move about Partly, no doubt, this arises from the natMadrid as if assassination had never been ural reaction after the burst of sympathy heard of in Spain; and he is about to ob- with which we recognized the rise of Italtain complete control of the Cortes. The ian freedom. To people who had been Ministry, we are told, unable to defend or watching the daring policy of Cavour or even to palliate the means by which they the romantic exploits of Garibaldi, there have carried about a third of the elections, was something of an anti-climax in finding intend to ask for a Bill of indemnity, on as the upshot of the great tragedy a few the avowed ground that they could not cautious statesmen quietly biding their with a hostile majority save Spain from hour, and a Parliament which wasted half another revolution; and the Radicals, un- its time in silly declamation. But in a far able to accept or resist this bill, and uu- greater degree the injustice is owing to a willing to declare against the monarchy, radical misconception of the Italian charintend to retire. The Ministry will then acter itself. In the ordinary English mind be absolute, and a happy inspiration may there is a very simple conception of Italy yet induce them or the King to secure a as the land of bandits and painters. The real hold upon the people by conceding the Englishman who goes a shade further in one demand they earnestly press. If there is general knowledge adds to this a few senone thing certain in Spanish politics, where timental impressions about Italian poetry all is so uncertain, it is that the masses of and Italian song. It is a little provoking the people desire the revival of local lib-to persons duly furnished with their Murerties, that they do not care particularly ray and this compendious stock of common who governs at the centre, but do care notions to find this traditional Italy noabout the Fueros or provincial charters where. The brigand has been bunted which the Carlists and Federalist Repub- down like a wolf. The monk has vanished licans alike promise shall be restored. from the cloister. Police are beginning to There seems no reason why they should make the very lazzaroni move on. The not be granted, modified by modern ideas, stiletto of drama and fiction only lingers and the King nevertheless remain master in much the same sorts of haunts as those of the Army, the Treasury, and the foreign which befriend the knife of our own Ratpolicy of the country, just as he would if cliff Highway. But what is far worse is he were President of Castelar's Republic. the discovery that in the land of poetry Federal monarchy is just as possible as and song there is hardly a tolerable paintFederal republicanism, and to an Italian er or a living composer of distinguished prince must be one of the most intelligi- merit. Even in literature the vehement ble ideas. All this, however, is in the outburst of thirty years ago has been folfuture; for the present, it seems certain lowed by as violent a reaction. Manzoni that the Central Government, though still lives, but the school which once promharassed by village rebellions in the north ised to spring up around him has died and threatened by Republican rebels in down into a scanty crop of novelists only the great cities, is not in serious danger worthy of the Family Herald. There are from either party, is not exposed to dan- still poets indeed by the score, but there is gerous attack within the Cortes, and will absolutely no poetry. It is easy, after jotshortly, for a few months at all events, be ting down a few discoveries of this sort, able to legislate at its own discretion. for the English sympathizer to add to them Whether it will use that power wisely or a few little vignettes of loungers at their foolishly is another affair, the great want caffè, or "jeunesse dorée" idling in the of Spain for the hour being the want which sunshine, and to pronounce with a peremphas hampered her for two hundred years, tory decision that Italy is dead. Not only the want of a man who, having the is this untrue, but it is the very reverse of

truth. Italy is not only not dead, but it is just beginning to show signs of a more intense life than it has known since the age of Dante. But then it is by no means a life of poetry or the picturesque.

the pressure of haste and necessity, and with the encumbrance of providing for a host of functionaries bequeathed by the wretched despotisms of the past. And all this work of internal reform, it must be So far indeed is Italy from being the remembered, had to be carried on amidst "land of singing and of dancing slaves," constant peril from without, amidst the or freemen, which Pope and our usual im- menaces and interference of France, the pressions paint it, that the most striking thunders of the Vatican, the intrigues of characteristic of the Italian temper in all the Bourbons, and the embarrassments ages has been its faculty of combining, as arising from the origandage of the South no other race has ever combined, the prac- and the disordered state of Italian finance. tical element with the poetic, the most viv- That the work as a whole is done, or even id imagination with the coolest and firmest half done, we are not for one moment pregrasp of fact. The Florence which pro-tending. But there is not one of the great duced Dante produced the shrewdest mon- fields of labour which we have mentioned ey-dealers of the middle ages. Savonarola where work has not been resolutely begun; walked down the same streets as Macchia- and it is worth while noticing the temper velli. Leonardo vibrated all his life be- in which Italy has made its political begintween the restless search after spiritual ning. It is something that a country which beauty and the hard and abstract study of had no political traditions to fall back upon physical science. Michael Angelo was al- is creating political traditions of as sober most as great an engineer as he was an ar- and practical a sort as our own. Whatever tist. Even in the eighteenth century the instability may have attended its earlier speculations of Vico were balanced by the Cabinets, the last six years have seen the researches of Volta, and Napoleon Buona- same Italian Ministry in power; and, in parte, who was simply a great Italian spoilt, spite of the sneers of English lookers-on combined the fevered extravagances of a at the "vague rhetoric" of Italian Parliapolitical dreamer with the cool exactness ments, the influence of Signors Lanza and of a mathematician. If at the present mo- Sella is founded, not on their power of ment the idealistic or imaginative element rhetoric at all, but upon the general conin the Italian nature seems to have retired viction that they are practical and enerinto the background, it is simply because getic men of business. the circumstances of the time call the practical and positive elements to the front. In politics, for instance, it would be absurd to say that the work of Mazzini or Garibaldi is over, or that their influence on the finer and nobler minds of Italy has ceased; the truth is simply that the difficulties and problems which Italy has to meet, now that it is "made,” are of a wholly different order from those which it had to meet when great patriots and enthusiasts were making it. The new nation finds that its first business is to set its house in order. It has got to make amends for the industrial and administrate inaction of centuries. There are railroads to be cut, canals to be opened, harbours to be made. In the South even the simplest elements of social civilization have still to be supplied; there was till the other day hardly a school through the whole kingdom of Naples, and hardly a road in all Sicily that was better than a mule track. A fleet and army had to be created, not merely for purposes of national defence, but as schools of national unity. The whole fabric of national education had to be built up from the very foundation. The mere civil administration of the country had to be organized under

It is not, however, upon the temper of its Parliaments or statesmen that we are insisting so much as on the temper of the nation itself, as we may see it in its literature or in its journals. For there is an Italian literature, and a very busy one, although not of an emotional or imaginative order. The philosophical, historical, and scientific energy of the eighteenth century has revived in the metaphysical school of Naples, in the illustrious group of historians headed by Villari at Florence, and in the solar researches of Secchi at Rome. Philology numbers some of its keenest students in Italy, and the drift of national interest is seen in the abundance of publications on political economy and on administrative and municipal subjects. It is still clearer in the general tone and topics of the newspapers. Italian journalism has a vast deal yet to learn, especially in elementary matters such as the collection and publication of actual news; but in the direct and practical way in which it treats the social and political questions of the day it is far ahead of the journalism of France. The Nazione or the Perseveranza often contains articles which might have appeared in the best London newspaper.

From The Saturday Review.

THE GERMAN EMPIRE AND THE JESUITS.

Ir is evident that the rejection of Cardinal Hohenlohe as Gerinan Minister to the Papal Court was only one small incident in the great struggle for power between the German Empire and the Pope. The issue is now fairly raised and the battle has begun. The German Government has taken up the position that, the present attitude of the Court of Rome being avowedly hostile to Germany, it is incumbent on Germany to defend itself. The present

There is evident in most of the current po- intervention has by no means passed away litical discussion of Italy a wish to learn, and that, while compelled to maintain an without any of the old tendency to merely enormous force in the presence of this copy which distinguished their constitu- menace to their very national existence, tional beginnings. The mimicry of French they have done their best to apply it to a institutions which sowed Italy with "pre- yet more useful purpose by converting it fects" and "sub-prefects" is rapidly going into a great school and making it one of out of fashion; but it is noteworthy that, the most efficient means of public instrucwhile every Italian is convinced that local tion. self-government must be restored, the tendency of public opinion is to prepare for the change by a careful study of local and municipal institutions elsewhere. So, too, in a careful review of the present defects of Parliamentary life in Italy, the Perseveranza lately directed attention to a peculiarity of English politics whose value is as yet hardly recognized by Englishmen themselves. After pointing out, as the two chief faults of Italian legislators, their excessive love of talking and the want of a more direct communication between them and their constituents, it suggested as a simple remedy the adoption of the English habit of "vacation speeches." By this means, it very wisely contended, the work of actual legislation would be facilitated, Emperor, as Prince Bismarck observed, members could still express their senti- has not the slightest intention of repeating ments, and the masses of the population the memorable scene of Canossa. How would receive a constant and practical ed- the quarrel has come about is notorious, ucation in current politics. In much the and it need scarcely be said that each same way a rival newspaper, at the time party on its own principles is in the right. when the relations of the Church to the If there is a living source of infallible auState were exciting public interest, actual- thority, knowing absolutely what is right ly took the trouble to translate and pub- and wrong, seeing how far the modern lish for its readers the whole of the Report world is going astray from its true aims, of our Lower House of Convocation on and possessed of the power of deciding on the question of the election and nomina- the future fate of millions of human beings, tion of bishops. The attention with which it most naturally and properly claims the Italy regards English opinion is seen in the right to mould every action of human life fact that few articles on Italian subjects in order to save as many souls as possible. appear in the leading London journals The whole tendency of Catholicism in the without being translated and republished last quarter of a century is to assert this in those of Florence or Rome. Even the claim more loudly every day and to act on diatribes which the Times periodically pro- it more boldly. The dogma of the Imduces on the debt and financial embarrass-maculate Conception, the dogma of Papal ments of Italy are brought before Italian Infallibility, and the conversion of the powreaders, in spite of their ignorance and injustice. A large part of the debt of Italy has been incurred in the construction and purchase of railroads by the State, and the experience of Prussia has shown that no investment of money is likely to be more remunerative. Of the rest, not a little is owing to the sudden pressure of questions like education; the necessity, for instance, of providing in a few years schools for the whole of Southern Italy, where not a school existed before. That the army is a costly burden Italian statesmen know as well as the Times; what they perhaps know better is that the danger of foreign

er of the Pope into a power wholly of a spiritual kind, have been the leading causes or manifestations of this tendency. The Jesuits are the staunchest, most resolute, and most untiring champions of the new order of things at Rome, and their action has been sufficiently successful to convulse every Catholic country in Europe. Until lately the Catholicism of Germany was in the main of a quiet, sleepy, old-fashioned sort, resting happily under the shadow of the State, and giving little trouble to rulers or people. In Prussia Catholicism was especially honoured and cared for. A Prussian was free to be a Catholic or a

Protestant; but if he was a Catholic, the that Catholic children are properly bapState required him to be baptized and tized, and Catholic bridegrooms and married by a priest of his own persuasion, brides properly married? So long as and Catholic bishops were treated as high men and women are legally married, that and most respectable Government officials. is all the State has to see to, and baptism There was no religious question in Ger- is a religious ceremony with which parents many, for the rival creeds were cherished may dispense, or which they may have reand disciplined in the fold of the State. course to, according to their tastes. If But now all is changed. The Jesuits Ultramontane bishops choose to excomteach that every principle on which the municate a Catholic because he does not State acts in Germany is wrong. Ultra- assent to the last new dogma, that is puremontanism comes into conflict with the ly a matter between him and them; and allegiance of the subject to the King. Pre- if he does not believe that the excommulates assume to decide the exact shade of nication will do him harm, no one is hurt. doctrine which Catholic officials must hold. The Jesuits may be bad teachers, but so The Old Catholics have raised the flag of long as they do no one an injury appreciable rebellion against the prelates, and the pre- by legislators, they may teach bad doctrine lates have excommunicated the Old Cath- while better men teach better doctrine. olics. But it appears that excommunica- This was the line adopted by some of the tion, if it can have any effect on civil life, leading friends of the Ultramontanes in is illegal in Prussia without the permission the recent debates. They professed to be of the Government. The Bishop of Erm- perfectly indifferent to State support and eland, when this was pointed out to him, protection, and only asked to be let alone. replied that if he found the canon and the If all creeds were treated equally and municipal law in conflict, he should be the State stood aloof from all, it was not guided by the canon law, and excommuni- Catholicism, as they urged, that would sufcate as much as he pleased. This has fer. Protestantism is the creature of the drawn down on him the wrath of Prince State, and would soon fall to pieces if it Bismarck, who has informed him that, if lost the prop that supported it. An athe does not repent and see the error of tempt was made to defend the Jesuits on his ways at once, the worst shall be in- their own merits, to contend that they flicted on him that it is in the power of were excellent, useful, modest men, and the State to inflict. As it is very improb- very patriotic. But this argument was able that the Bishop thus challenged will utterly irrelevant, and rested on an equivgive in, a very short time will suffice to ocation. The Jesuits are excellent men, or show what it is that Prince Bismarck pro- some of them are so, if once the principles poses to do in order to coerce refractory on which they act are admitted as sound; Ultramontanes. In whatever he chooses but their whole lives are spent in attemptto do he will undoubtedly have the sup- ing to establish a system which is at comport of the German Parliament, which has plete variance with the ordinary habits of come forward to urge him to strike a thought and action prevalent among Gerstrong blow if he strikes at all, and to ex-man laymen. The right line for their pel the Jesuits and the members of other obnoxious orders from Germany. If the defiant bishops are put down, and the Jesuits got rid of, then it is hoped Germany will be at peace, and good sound German doctrine will be taught in every German is one of the watchwords of modern Libschool, and the dangerous and disruptive doctrines of the Syllabus will no more infect the minds of German youth.

friends to take was obviously that a fair field should be given to all, and then, if truth was on the side of the enemies of the Jesuits, it might be expected that truth would prevail. Religious toleration

eralism, and the Ultramontanes called on German Liberals to be liberal. But the appeal met with no response in the GerTo Englishmen it would seem at first man Parliament. One of the principal sight as if the difficulty with which Ger- speakers declared that a Free Church in a many has to contend were one of its own Free State was one of the most foolish of making. The State in Germany chooses fancies. The view of the majority was to associate itself with an alien institution, most unmistakably that the Jesuits should to protect it, uphold it, and patronize it. be put down, and not that they should be If this alien institution gives trouble to its simply let alone. In order to judge of the protector and patron, the simplest plan true character of the struggle now immiwould appear to be to cease to have any-nent, it deserves to be attentively noticed thing to do with it. Why should the that what may be termed the English Prussian Government trouble itself to see theory on the subject, but which Count