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position to do somewhat for a greater number, and the truth is undeniable, that many well-intentioned men have founded establishments of a kind really hurtful to society, at a great cost, when a tenth of the funds would, if we applied, have proved really beneficial.

But we are desired to look at the result; and the vast progress made of late years in educating the poor is cited as a convincing proof how much may be expected from this source. We join willingly in this appeal to facts; for we know that it must at once decide the whole question. From the Digest it appears, that there are about 145,000 children taught at the new Day schools, exclusive of those taught at Sunday schools, which ought in this question to be kept apart, both because almost all of them attend Day schools also, and because the tuition at Sunday schools, without any other, is extremely imperfect. Now, from the numbers taught at these New schools, no one can doubt that a large deduction must be made for those -educated before their establishment either at the same school previous to its being new modelled, or at some neighbouring seminary, given up since the larger one was set on foot. Perhaps 100,000 is not too small a number for the whole addition made in the means of Education by those new schools during the last fifteen years; and at this rate, nearly forty years would be required to afford the means still wanting, even if we supposed private charity to make the same exertions during the next half century that it has during the last few years; whereas no man can pretend to expect such a thing; and, indeed, every one knows that those exertions are almost wholly confined lo large towns.

But the Digest likewise shows how many institutions of this description are languishing for want of funds, and how many unendowed schools of all kinds have been discontinued every where from the same cause. The necessity of some less precarious supply being provided of an article of such primary necessity as elementary education is, indeed, proved in almost every page of these volumes.

The result of the Tables may now be shortly referred lo, as etablishing beyond all controversy the want of education which now exists. The Endowed Schools in England teach about 165,000 children; the Unendowed Day schools 478,000. "But this includes 53,000 taught at the Day schools, where infants are generally sent before they are of an age to go to school, or learn almost any thing. It includes also the lace and straw schools of the midland counties, where we much fear little that is useful is in general learnt. If, then, we deduct for these schools, we shall have about 590,000 children taught at Day schools; and we must add about 10,000 for deficient returns, several parishes having made none. To this number of 600,000 are to be added the children belonging to persons in the upper and middle classes of society who educate their children, particularly daughters, at home or at boarding-schools, not noticed in the Tables, though frequently in the Digest. Mr. Brougham, from the population returns, considered 50,000 as a proper allowance for this class, but, if any thing, too small; and the next addition made was incontestably much too large, except that he was desirous of rather understating than overstating the deficiency. He allowed, of the A52,000 taught at Sunday schools, 100,000 as attending those institutions beyond the numbers included in the column of Day schools; the known fact being, that a greater proportion than seven-ninths of the Sunday scholars attend Week-day schools. The grand total of children educated in any way, even in the scanty measure dealt out by Sunday

schools, is thus only 750,000. Now, the lowest estimate of the means of education for any country requires that there should be schools for onetenth of the population ; but from the Digest it clearly appears that a larger proportion is requisite, especially if we include the means for all classes, high as well as low. Mr. Brougham reckons rather more than one-ninth; but, taking one-tenth as the scale, it thus appears that there are only the means of educating seven millions and a half of the people in England, leaving no less than two millions without any education, and three millions without the only effectual education, namely, that obtained at Day schools. Let us shortly compare this with the stale of other countries where popular education is supposed to be well attended to.

In Scotland, taking the average of twelve counties, the population of which is 636,000, and making no allowance for the education of the upper classes, or for privale tuition, at all, there are schools where belween oneninth and one-tenth of the population are taught. In Holland, by the Report of the Commission of 1812, at the head of which was Mr. Cuvier, it appears that there were 4,451 schools, where 190,000 children were instructed, or one-tenth of the population. In the Pays de Vaud, about one-eighth of the people attend the parish schools; and not one person in sixty is to be found who can't readFrance presents a very different picture. The Report of the Commission in 1819 gave the numbers attending schools at 1,010,500, or 1-28th of the population. Yet the exertions making in that country may well exeite our admiration. In two years, the numbers had increased from 866,000; the proportion in 1817 having been only 1-35th, During those well-spent, and, let us say, truly glorious years of civil triumph, 7,120 schools had been planted, capable of educating 204,500 children, and supplying the means of education to a population of two millions. The zeal of individuals being powerfully seconded by the Government, in a very few years France will be as well educated as Holland. Wales appears to be much worse off than England; there are not schools, even including Dame schools, for above one-twentieth-that is, there are only the means of educating half the people of the principality.

The inequality with which the education of which we have been speaking is diffused through the different parts of England is a very striking circumstance, and affords perhaps the strongest of all arguments against leaving matters to themselves, or relying entirely upon the charitable exertions of individuals. In the four northern counties of Westmoreland, Cumberland, Northumberland, and Durham, the average is about onetenth; in Westmoreland it is as high as one-seventh or one-eighth-being superior to the Pays de Vaud, and consequently the best educated district in Europe. In Wilts and Somersetshire the average is one-eighteenth, or one-nineteenth; in Lancaster and Middlesex one-twenty-fourth. But before the establishment of the new schools in Middlesex, it was as low as one-forty-sixth. This fact, respecting such a county, is truly deplorable. Calculating, as we before did, for the whole country, it thus appears, that at the present moment there are not the means of education for one hall the people in the metropolitan county; and that, but a few years ago, there were three-fourths of that population destitute of those means.

* The articles in the E. Review on the Education Committee of the House of Commons, and on Mr. Brougham's System of National Instruction, contain a mass of curious information on the momentons subject 01 Charity Abuses. See Vol. xxx. page 486. Vol xxxi. page 497. Vol. xxxii. Page 89. Vol. xxxiv. page 215. Vol. xxxv. page 214.


Il surely speaks a strange language on the part of the Church of England, that her existence should be held up as inconsistent with two of the grandest objects to which the eyes of mankind can be directed—religious liberty and general education.

They who exert themselves to place her in this suspicious attitude, do no doubt deny that she is hostile to either :-—and when was the time that persons in a dubious cause did not bestow a good name upon their own proceedings? But can they, who strain every nerve to hold a large portion of their fellow-citizens under unequal laws—that is, to a certain degree, to outlaw them, on account of religious, opinions, be justly designated by any other name than intolerant? And can they, who rise up against the most efficient system for the instruction of the body of the people that ever was promulgated; who first endeavour to prevent entirely any such instruction ; and, after that is found impracticable, exert themselves to supplant a more eslicient by a less efficient system ; in other words to prevent, if not all education, at least a great degree of it, be considered in any other light than that of its enemies?

We know very well, that many of the persons who oppose themselves to the best scheme of education are men of pure, and even of philanthropic intentions. It is also perfectly true, that the steps which have been taken in the name of the Church might at one time have been regarded as a national advantage; and that they are bad now only in so far as they tend to deprive the nation of a still greater good. But, in a matter like this, a difference in degree is every thing; and we entreat our readers to consider, but for a moment, the striking effects produced by a slight shade of superiority in the moral and intellectual training of a whole nation.

It is not necessary that they should compare a Turkish and a British population. Let them only reflect upon the state of the Irish, as compared with the English population,-both living under the same constitution, both governed by the same laws, yet differing to so prodigious an extent in what they respectively contribute to the common good. Let them consider the population of Scotland, between whom and the English, though the difference is far less wide, the comparison is, perhaps, still more instructive. We desire our opponents to tell us, in what respeci the circumstances of the English population have not been more favourable than those of the Scottish, except in the article of schooling alone? For we do not suppose it will be asserted, in the quarter to which we are addressing ourselves, that the religious instruction of the Scots has been better than that of the English, or its Church-establishment of a better description. Scotland was the poorest country. The lower orders in Scotland were a less regarded race. They had fewer political privileges; and the long continuance of the feudal system had left there a more marked and degrading distinction between the productive classes and those immediately above them than there is any conception of in England. All these causes of elevation to the minds of the English populace were highly favourable both to their intellectual and moral virtues ; and yet their inferiority to the Scots in both has ceased to be a matter of

• Pamphlets ou llic Madras aud Lancasterian Systems of Education. – Vol. xxi. page 207. February, 1813.

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dispute. On the subject of its consequences,-on the importance of such a difference, two facts speak a language which cannot be disregarded. 1st, There is no poor-rate in Scotland. In England, every eighth or ninth man is a pauper; and the poor's rate, which was a lillle under five millions ten years ago, is probably as much more than six at present. 2d, According to the criminal calendars of the two countries, for every single criminal in Scotland, in an equal quantity of the population, you have eleven in England. The account then stands thus :

Violations of the law eleven times less frequent in Scotland than in England. In Scotland, the earnings of the labouring classes are adequate to their maintenance; in England, not adequate, by a prodigious and a growing deficiency. These are facis, one would imagine, that might make an impression even on those who care but little for the enjoyments of others, and who receive no pleasing emotion from the thought of conferring a new degree of mental health and vigour upon the most numerous class of their fellow-creatures; while those, on the other hand, who are capable of feeling the value of that inward happiness which results from a mind lifted somewhat above the objects of mere animal pursuit,-qualified in some degree for the task of reflection,-and open to the innumerable delights which it brings, can require po extraneous motives to ensure their zealous concurrence in any scheme which is likely to confer such unspeakable advantages on so large a class of society. The reader will now be pleased to consider, what is the present state of the fact and the argument as lo this most momentous question.

A system of schooling had been organized for the poor, by which the progress of the pupils was accelerated, and the expense of the tuition reduced, to a degree which far exceeded all previous experience. The attention of the nation, too, was at length effectually excited. Schools, in which the children of all the poor were received, without distinction of sect or denomination, arose in various quarters. The progress of the work kept pace with the hopes even of the most sanguine of the friends of humanity; and it wanted only a certain combination of philanthropic men to have diffused the blessings of instruction in a very short space of time through the whole mass of the population.

While this important business was proceeding in this happy train, another set of men presented themselves, who said, We will oppose and endeavour to put down these schools. And why? Because they are open to the children of all the poor, and none are excluded on account of religious distinctions. What we want is a set of schools in which religious distinctions shall form a principle of exclusion. We will establish schools, into which none shall gain admittance but children of Church-of-England men. The rest, a large proportion, may so without education, or get it where they please.

To most unprejudiced persons, the bare statement of those unquestionable facts must be sufficieni : but we must hear altentively and impartially what can be said in favour of this latter plan. Nothing should be condemned rashly: and the more absurd and indefensible any thing appears, which is seriously urged as a ground for pernicious conduct, the more indispensable it is to avoid every appearance of a passionate, partial, or precipitate decision.

With regard to the strange contrast which is exhibited between the two systems,-lo the appearance, at least, of a most illiberal bigotry, and nar

row-mindedness on the one hand, and of a pure, comprehensive, and noble philanthropy on the other—the patrons of the exclusive plan observe a wonderful silence. A curious change appears to have taken place in the disposition of the two parties. Till lately, the Church always prided herself in having sobriety at least, and cool reason, on her side ; and was eager to hold up to contempt the jealous, unaccommodating, and illiberal views of the Sectarians. In the present instance, however, the two parties appear to have changed sides in every thing relating to bigotted zeal and calm ratiocination ;-the spirit of separatism, and the spirit of conciliation.

It is almost equally remarkable, that they who hold themselves out as champions of the Church of England have scarcely ventured to say one word upon the great advantages which are afforded by the liberal scheme for accelerating the communication of knowledge ; and the lamentable extent of the obstructions opposed to it by the narrow and restrictive scheme: they have, in a manner, declined this whole branch of the argument—though of itself quite decisive, as we apprehend, of the whole cause. For we think it may be made out in the most satisfactory manner, not only that the system of exclusion will subslitute a very slow to a very rapid diffusion of the blessings of education, but that it will ultimately arrest ihe great work altogether -that it will not merely make the machine move heavily, but after a little time will stop its motion entirely.

The restrictive system makes two schools, at the very least, necessary, (one for churchmen, and one for those who are not churchmen,)-where, on the comprehensive plan, one would suffice. Now, it should always be remembered, that the sole difficulty of extending education universally is the expense. But the exclusive plan, from this simple circumstance, is obviously an infallible contrivance for doubling the expense. Divide et ime pera is an old device of politicians for the management of enemies; and we will confess we do not comprehend how it can ever be acted upon purposes of friendship. Funds, which might have an irresistible efficacy when united and skilfully applied, may be altogether unserviceable when divided, and one part of them employed in opposing the other. If the conquests of education are to be rendered co-extensive with the population, through privale resources alone, the only chance of success depends upon the extreme economy with which they are applied. A scheme for doubling the expense, and rendering it less efficacious, is, in other words, a scheme for strangling the measure in the birth. Il, on the other hand, we are to look to support from the public, the objection to the exclusive plan seems still more formidable. Wedo not think that any ministry which could at present be formed, is likely lo possess so very little of the liberal spirit of the times in which we live, as to be favourable to a scheme which would burthen the nation at Jarge for a system of education adapted to churchmen only. We are sure, at any rate, that any such scheme would excile so much contempt and indignation, both in Parliament and out of it, that no ministry would ever venture to propose it : and, withont paying any extravagant compliment either to the virtue or illumination of Parliament, we may predict, that any attempt to tas the nation-churchmen, and not churchmen-for the education of churchmen alone, would be treated as altogether oppressive and intolerable.

We are not perfectly sure that we ought to be sorry at the obstacles wbich oppose the transfer of education into public hands. It is not agreeable to experience, that what is managed by public functionaries is the best managed


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