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sicres, and advanced early this morning to the villages of Vauvres and Issy, as in preparation for a general attack of the combined armies on the capital; at eight o'clock the two armies were in face of each other; the French in the plain of Grenelle, and the allies in the plain beneath Meudon. Firing had been heard and seen the whole night from the heights of Chaillot, which were crowded by peopie with telescopes. A portion of the cavalry of the guard, which was stationed in the Champ de Mars, rode off at eleven o'clock along the left bank of the Seine, and were the last to take up their positions, which, at twelve o'clock, seemed concluded, and left the two armies in line of battle. Some corps of infantry, amongst which were two battalions from the higher Marne, joined the army to-day. The corps of Generals Lamarque and Travot are on their march to the capital. It was commonly reported early in the afternoon, that a general action was on the point of being fought. The throng and the silence, and the eager looks of the multitudes in the gardens and boulevards, the groups collected round, and trailing after two or three straggling dragoons, leading their wounded horses, or carrying orders to the head-quarters of the square Vendôme—the dead, *hsocial solemnity of the heavy patroles parading the streets without music—the doors of the houses and courts all shut, the upper windows opened every now and then, and occupied by female faces, as the clattering horse of a gend’arme announced the expectation of intelligence— every appearance of anxiety and apprehension, unusual even since the commencement of the siege, was to be recognized at the first glance for an hour or two after it was known that the two armies were in presence. More than once crowds rushed towards the elevated spots of the gardens and squares at the exclamation of individuals, who announced the opening cannonade. At four o'clock the battle had not be

gan. I called on your friend Madame --—, and found her in tears. I was thunderstruck with the news. Her son,

the lieutenant-general, had just left the army; all was lost—Paris had surrendered, with a devoted army of 80,000

vend des hommes.”

in the rue St. Honoré by two men, who

soldiers before her walls. He was deter. mined to denounce the treason and the traitors that night in the house of peers. . . ." Leaving the house, I soon heard the in- "... telligence confirmed, both relating to the . . . . capitulation, and the expected denunciation. Indeed, the artillery and some of the troops are now filing through Paris in their retreat. . . . "a THE CONVENTION. Neither the Moniteur, nor any other papers this morning, asserted the conclusion of a convention. The chamber of representatives sat until two in the : morning, and adjourned its secret com- o mittee until seven, and its public sitting opened at eleven. At two o'clock the inclosed convention and its articles were : hawked about the streets. The allies occupied St. Quen, St. Denis, Clichy, and Neuilly, this day at twelve; to-morrow they are to be put in possession of Mont-martre, and the next day of the barriers. The French army is to quit its present position in three days, and to retire in eight to the south bank of the Loire. There are reports at this moment current, that the troops have refused to retreat, but I have met several regiments myself. It is true that, at the barriers this evening, and, indeed, in the streets, are several small bodies of troops of the line, and of cuirassiers, straggling about, apparently without order or destinations. An officer at the barriere de l'Etoile •r rushed by me, exclaiming with a furious tone, and slapping his breast, “On vend des bêtes a cornes, mais aujourd'hui on A persuasion of treachery has become very prevalent this afternoon, and some movement was then | expected on the part of the troops and the federates. w - I just hear that the whole national guard are put under arms. Single musquets have been heard in various parts of the city, on the bridges, the boulevards, and the squares, and parties of men are running through the back-streets, shouting “ Vive l'Empereur.” A cannon or two have been fired from Montmartre. , I saw a carriage stopped in my presence

insisted on knowing whether any of the government were in it. The movement began at three o'clock, when many groups were formed in the gardens and


Declaration of the Chamber of Representatives.

streets, listening to harangues and denunciations. . At six o'clock the doors and

windows were shut, and the whole of the national guards received orders to hold

themselves in readiness to act at a moment's warning. The women disappeared from the streets, and preparations were made in the interior of many houses for a defence against massacre and pillage. It is fancied at this moment that the generale is beating—it is beating in all quarters of the town—no actual insurrection has yet broken out, or any violence been attempted.—The tumult in the town now seems to subside—the guards have every where been doubled. You must not suppose the discontent at the convention confined to the soldiers nor the lower classes. A member of the lower chamber told me this evening, that proofs of treason might be brought a. gainst Fouché; that he had contrived to bring over the president Lanjuinais, and about fifty active orators of the assembly to his interests and views, and that the consequence was, no one who had any objection to make to the measures of government was heard for a moment. He added, “ There are three hundred amongst us for Napoleon the Second, and a hundred and fifty that are indifferent, but are good patriots; the rest are for temporizing and yielding.” I quote this as this gentleman's notion, not mine. He threw the whole blame of the convention upon Fouché, who, he said, had deceived the Prince of Eckmülh, and all the general officers.

DECLARATION G F THE CHAMBER OF REPRESENTATIVES. The troops of the allied powers are about to occupy the capital. The chamber of representatives will nevertheless continue to sit in the midst of the inhabitants of Paris, whither the express will of the people hath called its mandatories. But in these weighty circumstances, the chamber of representatives owe to themselves, to France, and to Europe, a declaration of their sentiments, and their principles. They declare, then, that they make a solemn appeal to the fidelity and the patriotism of the national guard of Paris,

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the depository of the national representation. They declare, that they repose with the most entire confidence on the principles of morality and of honour, on the magnanimity of the allied powers, and on that respect for the independence of the nation, so positively expressed in their manifestos. They declare, that the government of France, whoever may be its chief, ought to call round itself the wishes of the nation, legally declare, and to co-operate with the other governments, in order to form a common tie and guarantee of peace between France and Europe. They declare that no monarch can offer any real guarantees, unless he swear to observe a constitution formed upon the deliberations of the national representation, and accepted by the people. Thus, any government which shall have no other title than the acclamations and wishes of a party, or that shall be imposed by force; any government that shall not adopt the national colours, and that shall not guarantee the liberty of the citizens—the equality of civil and political rights—the liberty of the press— the liberty of worship—the representative system—the free consent of the citizens in the levies of men and money —the responsibility of ministers—the irrevocability of the sales of the national property of all kinds—the inviolability of property—the abolition of tythes, of ancient and new hereditary nobility and of feudalism—the abolition of all confiscation of goods—the entire oblivion of opinions and political sentiments pronounced up to this moment—the institution of the legion of honour—the recompences due to the officers and soldiers—the assistance due to their widows and children—the institution of juries— the permanence of the judges—the payment of the public debt—will have only an ephemeral existence, and will not ensure the tranquillity of France or of Europe. That if it can be supposed that the bases announced in this declaration can be disregarded or violated, the representatives of the French people now acquit themselves of a sacred duty, protesting beforehand, in the face of the whole world, against violence and usurMox. MAG. No. 286. ,


pation. They confide the maintenance of the conditions which they thus proclaim to all good Frenchmen—to all generous hearts—to all enlightened minds —to all men jealous of their liberty— lastly, to all future generations. LANJUINAIs, President.—BUMoI.ARD, —BEDoch,--CLEMENT, (du Doubs,)— HELLo, Secretaries. LORD CASTLEREAGh. My expectations would, I own, be more sanguine, had I not met Lord Castlereagh entering the barrier of Clichy, escorted by half a dozen dragoons, not as a prisoner, but as a master—the arbiter of nations. His lordship must be a little surprised to see in a city, whose inhabitants he so often represented as detained from the embrace of their lawful sovereign by the menace of bayonets, the standard of treason triumphant, and the busts and portraits of Napoleon every where displayed, at a moment when a division of English troops is encamped in the Elysian fields, when not a French soldier, excepting the loyal national guard, is to be seen in arms, and when the head of the imperial dynasty is a dethroned fugitive, uncertain of his fortunes and of his life. If Lord Castlereagh were one of those men who can determine upon an action merely because it is good, without any reference to their former policy, and who dare to forget the shame of contrition in the utility of reform, he might yet be the benefactor of Europe. Napoleon is overthrown at the battle

of Waterloo; he is compelled to abdi

cate by the representatives of the people. The conquerors arrive at the capital, to which they grant honourable terms of surrender, and respect the independence of an unfortunate nation. The Duke of Wellington and the whole English army behave with a moderation more noble than their victory. The sovereigns, promise solemnly to adhere to their declarations. The friends of freedom cherish every hope. Lord Castlereagh arrives; the curtain rises at once, and displays the triumphant personages of the drama, unmasked, and in the attitude of revenge and rage; whilst France appears a conquered culprit, in chains, bound to the altar, and waiting for the blow. Her government is dissolved by

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ercise the depotism of a domestic master,

and the severity of a foreign conqueror,
may treat her children as slavishly as if
they were his own, and as unsparingly
as if they did not belong to him, is re-
armed with authority, and intrusted with
the infliction of every punishment, which
is rendered more intolerable as it follows
upon the hope of pardon, and the mock-
ery of reprieve. - -
If I may depend upon the assertion o

one of the commission, what did actually
happen was as follows:—Lord Castle-
reagh, on his arrival at head-quarters, im-
parted to the commission his surprise,
indeed his indignation, that Louis was
not yet in Paris, and added that he must
come in to-morrow, or the next day at
furthest. The president of the govern-
ment replied, that he understood from
the allied sovereigns that there was no
intention, on their part, to interfere with
the inclinations of the French nation in
the election of its monarch ; for answer
to which remonstrance, his lordship only
introduced Mr. Pozzo di Borgho, and
the ministers of the other two principal
powers, each of whom drew a note from

his pocket, stating their respective sov

ereigns' agreement with the English minister, and their resolution to replace Louis on the throne of France. This was decisive: but the government was

still sitting in the Tuileries, when a .

squadron of cavalry and two battalions of Westphalian infantry, and several pieces of cannon, marched into the Place du Carousel, and occupied the inner court of the palace; and an officer, entering the council-chamber, told the commissioners that he was ordered to

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The Restoration.—Fouché.

and which left the service of the interior of the capital to the national guard; but in vain. The officer did not understand the nicety of the distinction, and the government had no other resource than to resolve upon communicating their forced dissolution to the chambers, and upon retiring each to his own home. As to the contribution, they deposited the paper upon the council-table, “where,” said the Duke of Otranto, “we will leave it as a legacy for the king.” The government did not dissolve itsels—it was dissolved by Lord Castlereagh. The RESTORATION. Since my last letter the Parisians have begun to find that their king reigns only in the Tuileries, which palace itself can scarcely be said to be under his command, as the Prussians still bivouack in the Place du Carousel, and have render

ed the avenues on that side unapproach

able. The interior of the triumphal arch is their slaughter-house : even the wretched royalist journalists begin to complain of the loaded cannon, lighted matches, and piled arms, in front of their king, and on the bridges of his capital ; and hint that the conduct of the Prussians is such as the friends of the good cause must deplore. Marshal Blucher allows his subordinates every vengeance and pillage, which he seems inclined to direct against the town collectively, as well as individuals. The bridge of Jena had been mined by his order, and would have been blown up in spite of the king's remonstrances, had not the Duke of Wellington placed a sentry upon it, who was ordered to quit his post preparatory to lighting the train, and actually saved this monument by adhering to his declaration, that he could not leave the place until he was relieved b, the corporal. Malmaison has been half spoiled, out of spite ; and not only the house, but the persons attached to Napoleon, have been marked for retribution. General Thielman, being quartertered with Madame la Marechale Ney, took away all the horses, carrriages, and harness, #. her stables. The adjoint of the 10th arrondissement was threatened on Sunday last, that, if he did not provide ten thousand pairs of shoes in a given time, he should he sent to a fortress. This oolicer goes to the prefect

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Bondy, who informs him that he has been ordered to procure ten millions of contributions, and takes him to Talleyrand: that minister advises them both to keep out of the way, or to temporise, until the king—that is, the king of Prussia—shall arrive, when some means of remonstrance may be in their power. The Prussian marshal avowed that he would sack the suburbs of St. Germain in three days if his demands were not satisfied ; and, upon being told that the Duke of Wellington had made no such requisition, replied, “He may if he pleases, I shall not interfere.” He laughs at the nomination of General Maison to be governor of Paris, and says, that his general Muffling shall take care to see that the Frenchman does not infringe upon his authority. I understood that the Duke of Wellington is exceedingly concerned at these excesses, but says, very naturally, that he cannot prevent them, unless he should draw out his army to fight the Prussian marshal. What may seem extraordinary is, that the Prussians are in a state of extreme insubordination, and even talk not so much of the king as of the cause for which they are fighting. This, you may conclude, is to avenge themselves of the French. They quite forget, as all our declaimers in England, as well as in Germany are in the habit of doing, that the Prussians were the first aggressors. The invasion of the Duke of Brunswick, the coalition of Pilnitz, are wiped from the page even of contemporary history: we only talk of revenging the wrongs of Germany, as if France had not received the original injury. FOUCHE.

A personal friend and general of Napoleon's was, one day, a little before the departure of the emperor for the army, talking to him in private, and undertook the defence of Fouché. Napoleon replied, “that he was a traitor, and that he would deprive him of his place, and arrest him.” His defender took up the

cause warmly on every ground, both as to the difficulty of finding a successor (for Savary would terrify even the aidede-camps,) and as far as respected the outcries of the partisans of that minister, who would exclaim against Napoleon for dismissing a man who would not sign

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[This elegant work recommends itself to general attention, as the intelligent account of Mahometan countries by a traveller being, or professing himself a Mussulman. He was thus accredited in their courts and religious Sanctuaries, and has drawn up the veil which hitherto has concealed them from Christian or infidel examination. It is

therefore as much a work of discovery as a voyage among islands of the Great Ocean, whose scite had previously been unknown ; while it relates to countries of infinitely greater, importance, in a moral, philosophiçal, and political sense. It is said that ALI BEY is by birth a Spaniard : but, whatever be his country, he is a man of profound observation, and qualified, by his scientific attainments, to satisfy the most fastidious readers of modern travels.]


HAYANG returned to Spain in April 1803, I embarked at Tariffa, on board a very small vessel, and, after crossing the Straits of Gibraltar in four hours, I arrived in the port of Tanja or Tangier at ten o'clock in the morning,

on the 23d of June in the same year. The sensation which we experience on making this short passage for the first time, can be compared only to the effect

of a dream. Passing, in so short an interval of time, to a world absolutely new, and which has not the smallest resemblance to that which we have quitted, we seem to have been actually transported into another planet. In all countries of the world, the inhabitants of the neighbouring states are more or less united by mutual relation ; they amalgamate in some degree together, and intermix so much in language, habits, and customs, that we pass from one to the other by gradations almost imperceptible. But this constant law of nature does not prevail between the inhabitants of the two shores of the Streights of Gibraltar; they, notwithstanding their vicinity, are as much strangers to each other as a Frenchman to a Chinese. In the countries of the east, if we observe successively the inhabitants of Arabia, Syria, Turkey, Walachia, and Germany, a long series of transitions marks, in some manner, almost all the different degrees which separate the barbarian from the civilized man. But here the observer, in the same morning, touches the two extremities of the chain of civilization, and within the petty space of two leagues and two-thirds (which is the shortest distance between the two coasts,) he finds a difference of twenty centuries. DRESS OF THE MOORS.

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wears nothing but very clumsy, yellow

slippers, without heels; and the principal article of his clothing is a piece of large white woollen, called Hhaik, with which he covers himself from head to foot. As I was desirous of dressing like other people, I sacrificed my stockings, and my pretty Turkish slippers, and wrapped myself up in a very large Hhaik, exposing my legs and feet to the atmosphere, with the exception of my toes, which entered my enormous heavy slippers. CIRCU MCISION. I have mentioned that the circumcision of the Moorish children takes place during the festival of Mouloud. This operation, which is publicly performed at the chapel without the town, which I

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