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tage of the former, inasmuch as the English general deserted from his patron, benefactor, and friend; but the French marshal to his protector, benefactor, and former chief. ELBA.

Some English travellers visited Napoleon's palace at Elba soon after his departure, and found his establishment, his library, his apartment, and his furniture, exactly in the state he had left them. His old housekeeper, who had followed him through all his vicissitudes of fortune, was in the greatest distress, not about herself, but for his safety and success. Her unaffected expressions of attachment, and artless report of his uniform good humour, were better refutations of the hideous pictures drawn of his domestic manners, than volumes written by the flatterers who so long attended and disgraced his court. His library was strewn with written papers torn into small bits, and on the table was lying open a life of Charles V., which he had been reading the night before he embarked.


The sketch of the new constitution appeared in the Moniteur of Sunday, April the 23d. It was said to be principally the work of Mr. Benjamin de Constant, a name invariably joined with the Lanjuínais, the Raynouards, the Bedochs, the Flaugergues, the Durbachs, and all those who had distinguished themselves as the patrons of liberty, during the reign of eleven months— therefore was it expected that the utmost concession would be made to the people, and that the democratic spirit would prevail throughout every article. Those acquainted with the French character were not astonished to hear the pleasantries launched against this tenth trial of their modern Numas, even before its promulgation ; but the friends of the emperor wore an aspect of the most settled concern and alarm when they found the proposal, on its appearance, attacked on every side by serious as well as playful assailants. I never recollect, in my life, to have experienced such a change in that which a man is apt to call public opinion, that is, the opinion of those amongst whom he lives and moves, and the voice of ephemeral pub

lications as took place at Paris at the appearance of the Acte Additionnel aur. Constitutions de l'Empire. Both royalists and republicans, as well even as some of those who are supposed more attached to the emperor, flew upon it at once. They began by the beginning— the very title was offensive.—The “Additional Act to the Constitutions of the Empire,” and the “Napoleon, by the Grace of God and the Constitutions, Emperor of the French,” showed, said they, that Napoleon considered the old. system of despotism, the empire, as again in activity; that he skipped over the charter of Louis, the reign of Louis, and his own abdication, all which annulled these constitutions, as if they had never happened ; and that he was Emperor by the Grace of God and without any interval, after the fashion of the monarch whose nineteen years of reign he had himself so fairly derided. The articles of the constitution were attacked in detail by a thousand pamphlets. Those to which the principal objection was made, were, the initiation of all the laws by the government, which was one of the faults of the royal charter, and the establishment of hereditary peers, which seemed a contradiction of the decree of the 10th of April, abol. ishing the nobility and feudal titles. ABDICATION AT FONTAIN BLEAU. A French colonel, who attended the emperor at Fontainbleau during the days of his abdication, informed me, that he was standing by the side of Napoleon, on the parade, when M. de Caulaincourt brought him the first news of his deposition. The event was communicated in a whisper. Napoleon drew back a step, bit his lip, and a faint flush passed across his cheek; but he recovered himself instantaneously, and continued the review. For the first twentyfour hours subsequent to his fall, he was a little unquiet; but afterwards was restored to his usual spirits and manners. It was a melancholy scene ; the long corridors, the saloons of that vast palace, even the anti-chamber of Napoleon, were crowded with officers and soldiers, sauntering carelessly from room to room, without subordination, but without disturbance ; for not only all order was lost, but all spirit even for commotion had


subsided. Each morning as they rose, some marshal, general, or minister, on being asked for by the emperor, was found to have dropped off to Paris.

Napoleon, when he put his name to the abdication, made two or three scratches and a dent with the stump of the pen, or back of a knife, on the little round claw-footed yellow table, on which it was signed. After his resignation of the empire, he spent his time, either in conversation in his apartment, or in a little English garden at the back of the palace, which he had himself laid out at a considerable expence. In the midst of it there is a circular marble fountain, with a figure of Diana rising from the centre of the bath. On a stone bench beside it, and immediately opposite to a vista, at the end of which is a figure of Mercury on a pedestal, Napoleon, on one of these days of distress, was seated alone for three hours, and amused himself in kicking a hole, a foot deep, with his heel, in the gravel beneath. The keeper of the palace of Fontainbleau shewed me both the table and the fountain.

Conversing one day with the colonel, he said, “It is not the armies that have dethroned me, not the combined sovereigns, not the extraordinary efforts of England; but the progress of liberal ideas, which, if I had regarded four or five years past, I should have confirmed my power for ever. However,” said he, gaily, “I did not, and it is come to this.” . In the conversation to which I have before alluded, which he held with Mr. Sismondi, he said, “that he was the child of the revolution ; that he owed all his greatness to the emancipation of France from its ancient servitude; that he knew and was attached to the true principles of liberty; “quoigue je m'en suis écarte,” added he “but I have seen my error, I have felt and suffered, and I acknowledge the absolute necessiity and demand for freedom in this country.”


I see, in the English papers, accounts of numerous arrests and violences at Paris—all false, as usual; and resorted to in order to reconcile the people to a war against Napoleon, as if he were the great enemy of freedom ; and our en

Delusions in England. - 539

lightened, candid, liberal, accomplished, patriotic ministers, the only patrons of national and individual independence. These gentlemen know nothing of France, if they think there is a chance of the imperial despotism being renewed in any other way, than by the decided success of the French arms in the ensuing contest, when gratitude may perhaps do

the work of fear. There is, however,

even in the army, such a spirit of independence, and so weary are the superior officers of the perpetual labours of the last war, so anxious all the new men to assure what they have obtained, that no one here thinks, that, under any supposition, Napoleon would be able to persuade either his troops or France to carry a war beyond the Rhine ; nor that the emperor would support in his capital or the provinces, if he provoked a contest for the recovery even of Belgium, or if he did not make every effort to remain at peace. It is his moderation, that is to say, the repeated offers that he has made to the allies to maintain the treaty of Paris, that has rallied the pride and self-love of France round his person, and has put the question between this country and the combined sovereigns into the simple form of a foreign interference in the choice which she is make of a sovereign. M. de Caulaincourt's memorial to the emperor, in which it was hinted, that the interference of foreigners might prevent

the regulation of their internal affairs,

created a suspicion, that a war would be commenced to excuse the necessity of giving a free constitution to France. But the continued determination of England to pursue this unjust object, and the frankness with which the emperor has thrown himself into the arms of the people, has listened to their voice, and has identified their interests with. his own, by the convocation of the chamber of representatives, has decided the part to be played by those whom we call the jacobins—that is to say, fourfifths of the population of France, who are determined to stand the shock of nations, and to try the chances of liberty at least, in one great throw, in the person

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rial guard march to the Marseillaise; and it was remarked the other day to me at the Tuileries, that, for the first time since the early days of the republic, the troops passed in review to the tune of the once famous gaira. Every engine is set to work—the theatre Montansier is now fitted up as a coffeehouse—tables and chairs are placed in the pit, whilst the boxes and the lobbies are thrown into one—on the stage is a pedestal, in the midst of a natural bower of green, upon which is placed the laurel-crowned bust of the emperor. The whole house is crowded every night to excess, although there is no other entertainment than volunteer songs chaunted to the praise of Napoleon and liberty. I recollect that one of them ran upon the joke of last year, which assigned the name of Nicholas to the emperor. * The songs at the Montansier are what we call of the most inflammatory nature; that is, they breathe an ardent spirit of

liberty, and not only declare the right of

France to be free, but the wish that other nations may profit by her example.

Siles peuples du continent Marchaient sur la patric La guerre, c'est mon sentiment, Serait beintôt finie. Nous voyant libres, ils diraient Vivent les Francs : la France Et tout bas, ils ajouteraient, Pour nous quelle espérance o + * + +& .x: Princes du nord, dansons en rond Et soyez tous tranquilles, Ou vos soldats embrasseront Nos phalanges mobiles. Attaquez : ct la liberté Ira de fibre en fibre | Votre système réjeté Le Mond E sera libre.

I do not require you to praise the poq y p p etry, but to remark the sentiments.


On the 22d of March, M. Carnot was declared a count of the empire for his defence at Antwerp ; and was also named, by another decree, minister of the interior. The national guards, enrolled on the 9th of the month, and the volunteers, were decreed inactive ; as also were the general councils of the departments, organized by the late government on the 11th of March.

The appointment of M. Carnot, as well as of M. Fouché, was direct evidence of the party into whose hands the

the emperor had determined to throw himself; for, though these two gentlemen are considered of very different inclinations, the one being attached to the principles, and the other only to the results, of the revolution; yet they are equally a protection against any renovation of the imperial despotism. The former minister, perhaps, may be con: sidered a republican, who thinks no preliminary step so likely to accomplish his great object as the perpetual exclusion of an ancient incorrigible dynasty; and who, for this purpose, has not hesitated to devote himself to the service of the emperor entirely and without reserve— a conduct, for which if his propensities cannot altogether account, the circumstances of the case may. M. Carnot is believed to have survived that acuteness and penetration which have given his name so deserved a celebrity ; and his firmness and courage, which still remain, having lost those guides, are by those who do not esteem him, not unfrequently degraded into obstinacy and rashness. His Memoir to Louis the Eighteenth must surely be considered a very inferior performance, and as much might be guessed by the extraordinary pains taken to disperse it; as, amongst other contrivances, it is now vagrant through the streets in such tilted carts as are used in London, by the perambulatory agents of lottery contractors. The Duke of Otranto, from whom more compliance might be expected, as his principles have a greater tendency towards monarchical establishments, is nevertheless suspected to be much less a Napoleonist than his brother minister; and, being regarded as such, is considered as so much the more certain a guarantee of the moderate popular policy which the emperor resolves to pursue. He is decidedly the best head, so they say, in France; and at this moment is in possession, unaccountable as it may seem, of the confidence of all parties, if perhaps we except the very decided inperialists attached to the person of Napoleon. Of all the ministers appointed by Napoleon, I hear of only one who is not respectable for some quality; and, with that exception, their appointment is such as would do credit to any court in Europe. Recollect always, that I am tålking of the Carnots and Fouchés of 1815, not of those persons as they appeared in 1794. 2 * D'AWOUST.

The Ministers of Napoleon. 591

The Prince of Eckmuhl is looked upon in England as a monster, for the extremities to which he reduced Hamburgh; but those extremities were necessary for the defence of the town intrusted to his care, and, severe as they were, have not left the marshal without admirers, even in that devoted city, where his exact discipline and his disinterestedness were topics of praise, whilst the suburbs were by his orders destroyed. The marshal refused the purse presented as usual to the military governor of the city.

THE DUKE of viceNZA.

The Duke of Vicenza has been named to the department of foreign affairs, being at the same time grand master of the horse. He is an exceedingly popular person, and contributes very much, as well as Count Mollien, to the respectability of the present ministry. To hear such animalculae as Blacas and others, through the channel of our pitiful newspapers, eall these gentlemen the rebel government, and exhaust every epithet of abuse upon men against whom no other charge can be brought than that they have placed themselves in the post of honourable peril, must move the spleen both of English and French, of whatever party, who retain any sentiments of generosity and candour.


Napoleon lost no time in re-organizing his empire: his first care was directed to the army, of different corps of which he held repeated reviews and inspections in the court of the Tuileries. Every regiment in the service addressed him in terms of unqualified devotion. All the officers on half-pay, who followed the emperor, and who were in Paris, were immediately put in activity by an order of the 24th. On the 21st Napoleon reviewed the Elbese battalion. On the 24th he inspected two divisions, and the chasseurs and lancers of the guard. On the 25th ten regiments of infantry, six of cavalry, and two of artillery, passed before him. Most of these troops had arrived by forced marches at Paris, to assure or partake the triumph of their favourite.

The emperor took care to converse with the officers and men on the parade; a familiarity due, I think, to their affection, and by no means unworthy of him or them. The first week was chiefly occupied in reviewing the troops, and in measures of internal re-organization. Some regiments, indeed, passed before the emperor every day up to the 28th.

On the 30th of March, the works of Paris were re-commenced at the fountain of the Elephant, the Louvre, the new market-place of St. Germains, and the office of foreign affairs: the next week the workmen were doubled—the streets recovered their former names— the public buildings their imperial inscriptions—the theatres were declared on their ancient footing—and the imperial conservatory, for the education and maintenance of actors and singers of both sexes restored.

The emperor's bust was replaced, by acclamation, at the saloon of the conservatory; as were his statue, and the foreign colours preserved during the last

reign, and hidden in the king's time, in

the theatre of the legislative body. This last step, together with replacing Carle Vernett's grand picture of the battle of Marengo in the Louvre, and similar proceedings, unimportant as they may appear, did not lose their effect; as indeed they were indicative that the time had arrived, when the French were no longer to be ashamed of their former exploits, nor regard the trophies of their glory as the emblems of treason and usurpation. On the 31st of March he visited and spent some time at the establishment at St. Denis, dedicated to the education and maintenance of the daughters of members of the legion of honour. This institution originating in Napoléon, it was part of the folly and the system of the Bourbons to neglect. Napoleon has taken care to visit all the scientific establishments : he went to the Garden of Plants on the 6th of April, and the same day called on Mr. David, with whom he remained an hour, examining his picture of the Pass of Thermopylae ; these visits he pays without any suite or giving notice of his arrival—a simplicity which I observe to be most effectual in the successor of Louis. On this Sunday, the 2d, the imperial guard gave a séte to the national guard and garrison of Paris, in the Champ de Mars. The common soldiers, to the number of 15,000, were placed at tables in the open air; whilst the officers dined in the galleries of the palace of the military school. After the repast, which was served up in presence of an immense multitude, on the sloping sides of the plain, and which was interrupted by many military songs and other toasts to the health of the emperor, the empress, and the imperial prince (for so the King of Rome is now denominated,) repeated to the sound of music and discharges of artillery, the whole mass of guests and spectators rose to the shout of some voices which cried out “to the column !” The procession, carrying a bust of the emperor, with music, moved towards the Tuileries, and presented itself under the imperial apartments with unceasing acclamations, to which Napoleon replied by appearing at the window, and saluting the enthusiastic multitude, who then repaired to the column of the grand army in the square, Vendôme, under which the bust of Napoleon received a solemn inauguration ; at which moment the pedestal of the pillar and the houses of the square were spontaneously illuminated, and rings of soldiers, national guards, and citizens, danced round the monument of their former glories. The evening ended with a procession round the boulevards, the palais royal, and principal streets of the neighbouring quarter. No excesses, no insulting of royalists, no turbulent shouts, or menacing gestures: in short, no sign of the triumph of one citizen over another was displayed during this fête. THE CONFEDERATES. I took the liberty, in a conversation with one of the emperor's aid-de-camps on the 14th, when I heard his letter had been returned unopened by the Prince Regent, and transmitted to Vienna, to recommend another application, upon the pretext of the entire pacification of the empire, which was afterwards announced, as I have mentioned, on Sunday the 17th, and which might have some effect upon the fears or the justice of the English cabinet. “Nothing but an extreme ignorance of the real state of things in France” could occasion, I


thought, “such unaccountable conduct.” “We have tried,” said the general, “to let them know the truth, but they will not hear us : however, the Moniteurs get to England, they will see the truth there.” Certainly, they will see it, but they will not believe it : they will believe the Austrian Observer instead. “Well, but your countryman is gone to London; he will tell what is the real posture of affairs.” They will not believe him either. “If so,” rejoined this gentleman, “what is the use of any further attempt at communication ? However, I cannot help thinking that every thing is as well known in London as at Paris, and that your government have eyes, but shut them.” The simple reply to which was, only to ask him if he had ever read our Courier, or seen Lord Castlereagh. Instead of believing the Moniteur, our good ministers gave credit to the Austrian Observer; one article of which, on the 15th of April, said that the Tuileries looked like an intrenched camp, being filled with troops and cannon, with lighted matches. But the ministry have appeared anxious that as little communication as possible should take place between the two countries, for fear disagreeable facts should find their way to the parliament and the country; for a French commissary, sent to Dover on the 8th of April, to demand the reciprocal and usual interchange of letters and journals between Calais and that port, was told, that not only his proposition could not be listened to, but that he must quit England the same day. NApoleon's crimes. Napoleon was not born to the purple —“the head and front of his offending hath this extent—no more.” By this he hath offended the sovereigns of Europe, but not the people— George Prince Regent—not you and me. BAD FAITH OF THE CONFEDERATES. I have not mentioned the infractions of the treaty of Fontainbleau, with which Napoleon charges the other contracting parties, the treatment of the Empress Maria Louisa, his wife ; of Joachim, King of Naples, his brother-in-law, the refusal of the stipulated pension to himself, and the attempts made upon his life by the Bourbon governor of Corsica. The sequestration of the Bonaparte pro

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