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been communicated not only among physicians, but among artists all over Greece; and in the Laocoon the divisions are much more numerous. Do you observe any considerable dif. ference in the conformation of the horses, between the Metopes and the Procession ?—It is to be recollected, both in the Metopes and the Procession, that different hands have been employed upon them, so that it is difficult, unless I had them before me, to give a distinct opinion, particularly as the horses in the metopes have not horses' heads; I do not think I can give a very decided opinion upon it, but in general the character appears to ine very much the same. Should you have judged the metopes and the frieze to be of the same age, if they had not come from the same temple —Yes, undoubtedly I should. Have you ever looked at this Collecson, with a view to its value in money : —I never have; but I conceive that the value in money must be very considerable, judging only from the quantity of sculpture in it; the question never occurred to me before this morning, but it appears to me that there is a quantity of labour equal to three or four of the greatest public monuments that have lately been erected; and I think it is said either in Chandler's Inscriptions or in Stuart's

Athens, that the Temple cost a sum equal

to 500,000l. Have you seen, the Greek Marbles lately deposited in the British Museum ? —Yes. In what class do you place those, as «ompared with the basso-relievos of Lord Elgin's collection?—With respect to the excellence of workmanship, the metopes and the basso-relievos of Procession are very superior to those in the Museum, though the composition of the others is exquisite. Which do you think the greatest antiquity?—Lord Elgin's; the others I take to be nearly twenty years later. In what rate do you class these Marbles, as compared with Mr. Townley's collection ?—I should value them more, as being the ascertained works of the first artists of that celebrated age; the greater part of Mr. Townley's Marbles, with some few exceptions, are perhaps

copies, or only acknowledged inferior works. w Do you reckon Lord Elgin's Marbles of greater value, as never having been touched by any modern hand?— Yes. - In what class do you hold the draped figures, of which there are large fragments —They are fine specimens of execution; but in other respects I do not esteem them very highly, excepting the Iris and a fragment of the Victory. Do you consider those to be of the same antiquity ?—I do. Be pleased to account for the difference in their appearance?—I think sculpture at that time made a great stride. Phidias having had the advantage of studying painting, first gave a great freedom to his designs—that freedom he was able to execute, or to have executed, with great ease in small and flat works; but as

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wards, there are some disproportions and

inaccuracies in the larger figures: the necessary consequences of executing great works when the principles of an art are not well established. Do you recollect two figures that are sitting together with the arms over each other ?—Yes. Is your low estimation of the draped figures applicable to those?—My opinion may be incorrect, and it may be more so by not having the figures before me; but I meant my observation to apply to all the draped figures. Were the proportions of those statues calculated to have their effect at a particular distance —I believe not; I do not believe the art had arrived at that nicety. You have remarked probably those parts particularly of the Neptune and some of the Metopes, that are high in perfection, from having been preserved from the weather ?—I have remarked those that are in the best condition. Did you ever see any statue higher finished than those parts, or that could convey an idea of high finish more completely to an artist —I set out with saying that the execution is admirable. In those particular parts have not you observed as high a finish as in any

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statue that ever you saw 3-Yes; and in some places a very useless finish, in my opinion. Do you think the Theseus and the Neptune of equal merit, or is one superior to the other ?—Chevalier Canova, when I conversed with him on the subject, seemed to think they were equal; I think the Ilissus is very inferior. You think the Ilissus is inferior to the Theseus?—Extremely inferior; and I am convinced if I had had an opportunity of considering it with Chevalier Canova, he 'would have thought so too. Can you inform the Committee whether the climate of England is likely to have a different effect upon the statues, from the climate from which they were brought; and whether it would be possible, by keeping them under cover, to prevent the effect of the climate 3–Entirely. You know the bas relief in the Townley Collection of Bacchus and Icarus?—Yes. What do you consider the workmanship of that, comparatively with any of Lord Elgin's bas reliefs?—Very inferior.

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MARSHAL NEY. . Ash N the memorable retreat from Portugal, Marshal Ney commanded the rear guard, and had to maintain several severe conflicts with the English troops. On retreating through Pombal, the moment the English entered the town, by way of bravado, the bells were ordered to be rung, and every kind of rejoicing to be displayed; even, it is said, to the burning of Massena and Ney in effigy. Ney, being made acquainted with the fact, instantly turned round, drove the British out at the point of the bayonet, and set fire to the town. He then wrote a letter to Lord Wellington, stating, that he was sorry to have been compelled to do what he had done, but he felt it necessary to prove to his lordship, that it was hunger, and that only, and not his lordship, that obliged the French army to retreat out of Portugal. Massena hoped, by going into another

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province, to find provisions and maintain the army longer. Ney foresaw the impossibility of it, and urged the folly of such a measure strongly. Though (said he) Wellington dare not attack you with the Anglo-Portuguese army, you will fall a prey to hunger, and the army will be destroyed; if, however, you insist on going, I plainly tell you I will not obey your orders, and will give it you under my hand and seal; arrest me, if you please. Ney did so, and returned to Paris; Massena pursued his original plan, and after

losing a great number of troops from pri

vations, he was at length obliged to retire into Spain. Ney has been heard highly to extol Wellington for the measures he took in destroying every thing throughout the country that could afford either food or shelter to the enemy, without which he would insallibly have been beaten. The miracle was, that the French could remain eight months in face of the English, with, to make use of Wellington's own words, nothing but the ground they stood upon. Much and ardently did they wish to attack his Grace, but resting quietly in the impenetrable fastnesses of Torres Vedras, he would not trust the campaign to the fate of arms.

SIR ROBERT WILSON.

Sir Robert, during his imprisonment, lost no occasion of annoying the officers of the French government, who were sent to him to interrogate him as to the affair of Lavalette. Having communicated to him the determination of the court to put him on his trial, they requested him to address a letter to the Juge Instructeur, nominating the person he would wish for his counsel. He simply wrote, “I have to beg you, sir, to be good enough to give me the address of the honourable M. Dupin, who defended the estimable Marshal Ney.” o

The prison of La Force, in which the three illustrious English are confined, is the debtors' prison of Paris; there was there confined for debt a poor man, with a large family, under very distressing circumstances; his debt amounted to one hundred Napoleons, and Sir Robert generously paid it, and gave him fifty Napoleons more (upwards of 401) to set him up in business,

Mon. MAG. No. 285.

EXECUTION BY THE GUILLOTINE. The first essay of the French guillotine was on a sheep; the axe was then square, and the poor sheep was sadly mangled, and obliged to be dispatched by the knife; by making the edge diagonal the decapitation is perfect and instantaneous. The sentence, name, and description, of the person, with the sum he is cast in for the expences of the trial, is printed and hawked about the streets on the day of execution. One lately took place in presence of the writer.—The execution was announced, as above, to take place at four o'clock, on the Place de Greve. Before that hour at least twenty thousand persons were collected from all parts, from the Conciergerie, the prison, where he was to leave as the clock struck four, to the Place de Greve. The guillotine was placed in the centre of the place, and the ground kept by the horse gendarmes at a quarter before four. The Rapporteur drove up in a hackney coach to certify the execution: a few minutes after four, a cart, containing the culprit and his confessor, slowly approached; it was guarded by mounted gendarmes. On arriving at the Place de Greve the trumpet was sounded, and all present obliged to pull off their hats (though it rained hard,) before the majesty of justice. The culprit seemed more dead than alive; he could neither get out of the cart, nor ascend the scaffold, without aid. His coat was only thrown loosely over his shoulders, and his shirt also had been slipped off; he was laid down and lifted forward, the place for the head being like the hole in a pair of stocks, and not a block: the axe of the guillotine, fixed in a heavy block, falls about eight feet, and works in a groove just beyond the support of the neck. All being prepared, the executioner loosens the cord, the axe falls, and the head disappears in an instant; it, as well as the body, falls into a case, which is closed up directly, and carried off in the cart, so that scarcely

any blood is seen.

To the Editor of the Monthly Magazine. SIR, - - HE earliest writer who cites Homer, is Herodotus; Hesiod did not know Homer's poems. The earliest

teristic of local residence.

writer who cites that Life of Homer which is ascribed to Herodotus, is Clemens Alexandrinus: Plato did not know that life. Of course Homer flourished between Hesiod and Herodotus; and his biographer, between Plato and ClemenS. This biography, then, is an Alexandrian forgery in the name of Herodotus: and it is so glaringly a bookseller's speculation, that all the poems uttered at Alexandria in Homer's name, such as the Batrachomyomachia, are officiously quoted in it; and anecdotes are contrived to account for their having been written. All those anecdotes, connected with the advertisement of surreptitious poems, are to be received with peculiar mlStruSt. From Homer's writings, and especially from the Odyssey, it is elear that he had travelled much about the Archipelago, particularly by sea. Still in the description of the Spartan territory (see the 581st. and following verses, of the second book of the Iliad,) one may discern a precision of topography, characSparta was eminent at a more early period than Athens; Lycurgus long preceded Solon. Hence Sparta had, in some degree, acquired the lead, or sway, in Greece, before the Athenians were at all competitors for it. The Spartan language was termed Greek; and the Attic or Ionic, or Doric, was insulted with the humiliating name of a dialect. This earlier civilization of Sparta renders it naturally probable, that Homer may have flourished there; and, as he chose a national theme, the rape of Helen, wife of the king of Sparta, it is the more evident that he kept in view a Lacedaemonian audience. The kings of Sparta, according to Pausanias (lib. III.,) derived their pedigree from the son of Agamemnon, and their inheritance from the daughters of Tyndarus. Now let us turn to a remarkable passage in Plutarch's Biography of Lycurgus, which well deserves to be transcribed at length, on account of the reflections which it is adapted to excite in a speculative mind. “Among the friends gained

by Lycurgus in Crete, was Thales, whom he could induce to go and settle in Sparta. Thales was famed for wisdom and poli

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1816.] Who was Homer ?–Pronunciation of the Latin Language.

tical ability. He was also a bard, who, under colour of exercising his art, performed as great things as the most excellent lawgivers: for his songs were so many persuasivestoobedience and unanimity, and as by means of melody and number they had great grace and power-they softened insensibly the manners of the auditors, drew them off from the animosities which then prevailed, and united

them in zeal for excellence and virtue.

From Crete, Lycurgus passed into Anatolia; where, apparently, he met with Homer's poems, which were preserved by the posterity of Cleophylus. Observing that many moral sentences, and much political knowledge, were intermixed with that poet's stories, which had an irresistible charm, he collected them into one body. He transcribed them with leasure, in order to take them home with him: for this glorious poetry was not yet fully known in Greece; only some particular pieces were in a few hands, as they happened to be dispersed. Lycurgus was the first who made them collectively known.” So far Plutarch. Now, when the high panegyric is observed, which is here bestowed on the poetry of Thales, who is said to have performed as great things as the most celebrated lawgiver; when it is recollected that this Thales was the ersonal friend of Lycurgus, and accompanied him from Crete to the plain of Troy, and from the plain of Troy to Sparta; when it is recollected that Lycurgus was so anxious an enthusiast of poetry, as to have collected and edited poems which remain to us;–it is plainly impossible that the poems of Thales can have totally perished. Lycurgus would not have neglected the reputation of such a friend. Consequently, the poems collected by Lycurgus, and edited by him, are those of Thales. Homer then is but the assumed name of the author, who thought to secure a greater illusion among his readers by representing himself as <otemporary with the incidents related. Homer is the eyeless antique mask worn by Thales, as Ossian by Macpherson. And who can avoid detecting a latent Cretan in the poet, who places heaven on mount Ida 2 We may venture therefore to talk of the Iliad of Thales.

515 To the Editor of the Monthly Magazine.

SIR, IT has always been a subject of surprise to me, that the English nation, celebrated for the number of elegant scholars and acute critics which it has produced, should have been remarkable for its corrupt pronunciation of the Latin language ; and, although this error has been pointed out by almost every writer on the subject of Roman literature, yet I have never heard that our universities or public schools have in any degree altered their faulty pronunciation. If the few following observations may induce any of your readers to enquire further into this subject, my design will be fully answered. A. In the pronunciation of this letter, the English differ from almost all the nations of the Continent, and, I believe I may safely add, from the ancient Romans; by them, in every instance, it was sounded open and broad. Cicero calls it “litera aperta;” and Dion.Halicarn. describes it as the most sounding of all the vowels, and directs it to be pronounced with the mouth as open as possible; in many ancient inscriptions it was written with a reduplication, as Paastores, Faato, which could never have been intended to express the close and compressed sound of our A. C had, in all probability, a similar pronunciation to the Greek k; indeed Suidas calls this letter, Karra Pauaixon. The English are certainly wrong in attributing to it the soft sound of their s, before the vowels E and I, leaving no means of distinguishing words commencing with c and s before these vowels: thus we say, Caedo and Sedo, each word having exactly the same sound. Dr. Warner, in his Metronariston, observes, “C and G were by the Romans always pronounced hard, that is, as the Greek K and r, before all vowels; which sound of them it would have been well if we had retained; for, had this been done, the inconvenience of many equivocal sounds, and much appearance of irregularity, would have been avoided.” E. It is the opinion of Dr. Middleton, that the true pronunciation of this vowel agrees with ours in the words ventus, contemmere, &c.

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ferent from our I. Of the consonant I or J, our pronunciation is certainly wrong, for here again we enter into the same sort of confusion as in the letter C, calling Adjicio, Adgicio, and with a notable perverseness, gesta jesta. Middleton rightly remarks, that J should be sounded like our Yin York, and Young, Adyicio, and not Adgicio. Q, G, and C, are frequently found in ancient inscriptions used one for the other : this seems, according to our present pronunciation of the Latin, a most improbable circumstance ; but when we consider how they were sounded by the Romans, the change appears natural enough. Q had not the soft sounds of that letter with us, but more of the French Q, hence Quaestio (pronounced in this way,) Caestio (with the C hard,) and Gestio (the G also being hard,) have not a dissimilar sound. This interchange of letters could never have taken place had they been pronounced in the manner of our modern scholars. T had, I believe, the same enunciation by the Romans which we give it at present, although in one situation, when it immediately precedes I, we completely change its character, transforming it, by some strange metamorphosis, into sh, as in the word Palatium, calling it Palashium; no one, I think, will attempt to justify this. I am much afraid these few remarks may not carry conviction; and, even if they do, that no one will be found hardy enough to brave the ridicule attached to the least innovation of old established usages: this, unfortunately is not the age of reforms; and the old story of the monk is not inapplicable to the present times, who, being accustomed to read Mumpsimus in his breviary, instead of Sumpsimus, and, being told of his error, replied, “Yes, yes, you may be very right, but I shall not change my old

Mumpsimus for your new Sumpsi-. . mus.” o May 21, 1816.

For the Monthly Magazine.

Prospectus of a society for rendering. .

available the statutes to sue and, defend in “ForMA PAUPERIs.” WHoovoo has had much experience in matters of litigation, must have frequently witnessed with pain many cases in which the valuable rights of individuals have been sacrificed or surrendered, through the mere inability of sustaining the expence of a legal contest with a wealthy antagonist. That this is an evil of the first magnitude, both to individuals and the community, will hardly be disputed ; because the security of every man's rights and property is the first principle of the social compact—the only reasonable foundation of the love of our country—and the difference between a state of freedom and a state of tyranny. That the expensiveness of law proceedings has enormously increased within the last twenty years, is too notorious to be denied; it may, therefore, fairly be inferred, that the evil has greatly increased. Taxes or stamps on law proceedings, (for which we may thank Mr. Pitt and his present successors) are the most indefensible of all taxes; seeing it is most preposterous to tax a man for getting his own. The practice of the law in the United States of America presents a striking contrast, where, I understand, judgment and execution can be obtained at an expence of only thirty shillings. That such a state of things menaces the cause of liberty itself, is not dubious, being not only a private injury, but a public mischief, inasmuch as that community must be declining, by the most insidious corruption and depravity, where a continually increasing proportion of its members are deprived of the first element of its union. Liberty can never flow as the life blood of the body politic, where the stream of justice is obstructed. As the natural consequence of such a disorder is uneasiness and discontent, so its effects on public morals is most baneful, when it can be considered possible

that wrong may be adjudged to be right.

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