do any thing for me, but that I desire he may do what he can.'

M. de Long spoke also to the queen: but as she stood very near to the commander of the national guards, he gave her the same information in German, that he had given to the king. That unhappy princess complained bitterly of her persecutors, and particularly that they would not permit her to proceed to Verdun, where she and the children could more commodiously repose themselves.

The king desiring M. de Long not to prolong the conversation in German, to prevent suspicions, he took leave of their majesties, asking their orders aloud. The king replied,

I am a prisoner, and have no orders to give.'

M. de Long having arrived at his detachment, sent a non-commissioned officer with an order to M. de Boudet to attack those who confined the royal family, while he should force the barricades, and advance with his troops to their assistance. After a considerable interval, the non-commissioned of ficer returned, without having been able to speak to M. de Boudet, who, with his detachment, was blocked up in the convent and garden of the Cordeliers.

In these circumstances, M. de Long had no other resource but to wait for the arrival of the regi ment of Royal Allemand: but he soon understood that the royal family, having been obliged to go into their carriages, were on the road to Paris, guarded by an armed multitude. He was joined by the chevalier de R, and they endeavoured to cross the river, in the intention of attacking the escort and delivering the king. They ac

tually passed the first branch, but found the second too deep; and seeing no possibility of succouring the royal family, they determined to join M. de Bouille, which they did, about nine o'clock in the morning, near Varennes. Greatly shocked at the information they brought, he was still inclined to continue his march, and make a last attempt, but no person among the troops knew of any ford by which they could pass the river which separated them from the king. The horses were nearly exhausted with the long march they had already made, Stenai being more than five leagues from Varennes; besides, the king having set out about an hour and a half before, all pursuit seemed useless. There was therefore an absolute impossibility of delivering the royal family; and M. de Bouille, overwhelmed with grief, marched back with his troops to Stenai.

Besides the above statement, M. de Bouille drew up a particular account, explanatory of the failure of this plan, for protecting the royal family in their journey from Paris to Montmidi, for the information of their majesties.

Note from the King to the National Assembly, July 9. Gentlemen,

I AM informed that several officers, gone into foreign countries, have, by circular letters, invited the soldiers of the regiments to which they belonged to quit the kingdom to join them; and that as an inducement, they promise to advance them, by virtue of full powers, directly or indirectly, flowing from me. I think it my duty to give a formal contradiction

to

Letter from Monsieur and the Count D'Artoistothe King their Brother. [The following Letter was circulated in Paris, and we believe through all France. Of its authenticity and importance every reader must judge for himself. It may not be improper, however, to observe, that it is generally supposed to be the composition of the celebrated M. de Calonne.]

Sire, our Brother and Lord, WHEN the Assembly, which owes its existence to you, and which has used it only for the destruction of your power, believes itself to be upon the point of consummating its guilty enterprize; when, to the indignity of holding you a captive in the centre of your capital, they add the perfidy of wishing you to degrade your throne by your own hand; when they even dare to present to you the option of subscribing the decrees which are to occasion the unhappiness of your people, or of ceasing to be king; we hasten to inform your majesty, that the powers whose assistance we have claimed

for you, are determined to employ their forces, and that the emperor and the king of Prussia have just contracted a mutual engagement to do so. The sage Leopold, immediately after having confirmed the tranquillity of his own states, and restored that of Europe, signed this engagement at Poelnitz on the 27th of last month, conjointly with the worthy successor of the Great Frederick. They have given the original into our hands, and for the purpose of forwarding it to you, we cause it to be printed at the end of this letter, publication being at present the only means of communication of which your cruel oppressors have not been able to deprive us.

The other courts have the same

dispositions with those of Vienna and Berlin. The princes and states of the empire have already protested, in authentic acts, against which they have resolved to supthe injuries done to their rights, port with vigour.

You cannot

doubt, sire, the lively interest which the Bourbon kings take in your situation. Their Catholic and Sicilian majesties have given unequivocal testimonies of it. The generous sentiments of the King of Sardinia, our father-in-law, cannot be uncertain. You may rely also upon those of the Swiss, the good and ancient friends of France. Even in the bosom of the north, a magnanimous king is ready to contribute to the re-establishment of your authority; and the immortal Catherine, to whom glory of no sort is a stranger, will not miss that of defending the cause of all sovereigns.

It is not to be feared that the British nation, too generous to op

pose

pose that which is just, and too enlightened not to desire that which interests its own tranquillity, will be inimical to the views of this noble and irresistible confederation.

Thus, in your misfortunes, sire, you have the consolation to see all the powers conspire to end them, and your firmness in the present critical moment will have the support of all Europe.

Those who know that they can only shake your resolution by touching your sensibility, will, no doubt, represent the aid of foreign powers as destructive to your subjects; that which is only meant in an auxiliary view, they will invest with purposes of hostility, and describe your kingdom to you as overflowed with blood, distracted in all quarters, and menaced with dismemberment. It is thus that, after having always employed the most false alarms to cause real evils, they will use the same means to perpetuate them. It is thus that they hope to continue the wounds of their odious tyranny, by making it be believed, that what ever opposes it would lead to a harder state of slavery.

But, sire, the intentions of the powers who will give you their assistance are as direct and as pure as the zeal which has induced us to solicit it; they have nothing dreadful either for the state or for your people. It is not to attack them, it is to render them the most signal of all services, that they would snatch them from the despotism of demagogues and the calamities of anarchy. You are willing to confirm more than ever the liberty of your subjects, when the seditious have seized upon your's:

what we may do to restore it to you, with the measure of authority which lawfully belongs to you, cannot be suspected of any oppressive wish. On the contrary, to repress licentiousness is to revenge liberty; to re-establish the public force, without which no nation can be free, is to free the nation.

These principles, sire, are your's: the same spirit of moderation and benevolence which characterises your actions will be always the rule of our conduct; it is the soul of all our measures at foreign courts; and as the depositaries of those positive testimonies of views equally generous and equitable, we can guaranty, that they have no other desire than that of putting you in possession of the government of your states, that your people may enjoy in peace the blessings which you have destined them.

If rebels oppose to this desire a conceited and blind resistance, which may force foreign armies to enter your kingdom, they only will have brought them there; to them alone let the guilty blood be imputed, which it may be necessary to shed; the war will be their work: the end of the confederated powers is only to support the sound part of the nation against the delirious, and to extinguish in the bosom of the kingdom that volcano of fanaticism, the propagated eruptions of which menace all empires.

Besides, sire, there is no reason to believe that the French, what-ever pains may be taken to inflame their natural bravery, by exalting and electrifying their heads with notions of patriotism and liberty, will long sacrifice their repose,

their effects, and their blood, to support the extravagant innovation which has only made them unhappy. Intoxication has but a time; the success of a crime has its bounds, and men are soon weary of excess, when they are themselves the victims of it. Presently they will enquire, Why they should fight? and they will find, that it is to serve the ambition of a factious troop whom they despise, against a king who has always shewn himself just and humane: Why they should be ruined? and they will find, that it is to gratify the avarice of those who possessed themselves of all the riches of the state, making the most detestable use of them, and being charged to restore the public finances, have precipitated them into the most dreadful abyss: Why they should violate the most sacred duties? and they will perceive, that it is to become poorer, more wretched, more harassed, more taxed than they have ever been: Why they should overturn the ancient government? and they will perceive, that it is in the vain hope of introducing a system, which, if it was practicable, would be a thousand times more pregnant with abuse, but of which the execution is absolutely impossible: Why they should persecute the ministers of God? and they will perceive, that it is to favour the designs of a proud sect, which has resolved to destroy all religion, and consequently to give a loose to all crimes.

Even already all these truths are become perceptible; already the veil of imposture is torn in all parts, and the murmurs against an assembly which has usurped all powers, and abolished all rights,

are heard from one extremity of the kingdom to the other.

Judge not, sire, of the disposition of the greater number by the movements of the turbulent; judge not of the public sentiment from the inaction of its fidelity and its apparent indifference, when you were stopped at Varennes, and a troop of satellites reconducted you to Paris. Surprise froze all minds, and produced a deadly silence.What they conceal from you, what sufficiently denotes the change, which is daily increasing, of the public opinion, are the marks of discontent which appear in all the provinces, and which wait only for support to break out more clearly; it is the demand which many departments have made, that the Assembly should give an account of the enormous suns wasted during their administration: it is the terror which the chiefs discover, and their reiterated attempts to enter into an accommodation; it is the distress of commerce, and the recent explosion of despair in our colonies; the absolute penury of specie; the refusal of the taxable to pay taxes; the expectation of an approaching bankruptcy; the defection of the troops, who, the victims of all sorts of seductions, begin to resent them; and the increasing progress of emigration.It is impossible to misinterpret such signals; and their notoriety is so great, that the audacity even of the seducers of the people cannot contest their truth.

Give no credit, sire, to the exaggerations of danger by which they endeavour to alarm you. They know that, regarding but little the dangers which threaten only your own person, you are tremblingly

alive to those that might fall on your people, or strike the objects dear to your heart: for these ob jects it is that they have the barbarity to keep you constantly in fear, while they have the effrontery to boast of your liberty. But they have abused this artifice too long, and the moment is now come for turning against the factious spirits who insult you, the weapon of terror, which has hitherto constituted all their force.

Great crimes are not to be apprehended when no interest can be promoted by committing them; and when, if committed, there is no means of avoiding a terrible punishment. All Paris knows, all Paris ought to know, that if a fanatical or suborned wickedness should dare to attempt your life, or that of the queen, powerful armies, chasing before them a militia feeble from want of discipline, and discouraged by remorse, would instantly fall on the impious city, which had drawn down on itself the vengeance of heaven, and the indignation of the universe. None of the guilty could then escape from the most rigorous punishments None of them will expose themselves to such punishments.

But if the blindest fury should arm a parricidal hand, you would see, sire, be assured of it, millions of faithful citizens throw themselves round the royal family, cover you, if necessary, with their bodies, and shed the last drop of their blood to preserve yours. Ah! why will you hesitate to confide in the affection of a people whose happiness you have not ceased for a moment to desire?

Frenchmen easily suffer themselves to be misled; but with equal

facility they return to the path of duty. Their manners are naturally too gentle for their actions to be long ferocious; and their love for their king is too deeply rooted in their hearts for a fatal illusion to eradicate it entirely.

Who can be more powerfully induced than we to entertain alarms for the situation of a brother, tenderly beloved? but by the accounts even of your most daring oppressors, the refusal of the Constitutional Resumption, which we understand to have been presented to you by the Assemblyon the 3d ofthis month, will not expose you to the danger of being deprived of the royalty.

But of this there is no danger. Of what consequence is it that you cease to be king in the eyes of the factious, when you will be so more solidly and more gloriously than ever in the eyes of all Europe, and in the hearts of all your faithful subjects? Of what consequence is it, that by a foolish enterprise they presume to declare you deprived of the throne of your ancestors, whilst the combined forces of all the powers are prepared to support you on it, and punish those evil usurpers who have sullied its lustre ?

The danger would be much greater, if, in appearing to consent to the dissolution of the monarchy, you should appear to diminish your personal right to the assistance of all monarchs, and if you seemed to withdraw yourself from the cause of sovereigns, by consecrating a doctrine which they are obliged to proscribe. The danger would augment in proportion as you should show want of confidence in the means of protecting you; it would augment in proportion as the impression of that au

gust