support all the outrages which I have experienced, and the shame and the humiliation of addressing you.

I saw that the spirit of faction prevailed that some were desirous of a civil war that others wished for a republic, and that in the last party was M. la Fayette. Clubs were established to destroy the army, and the populace were no longer directed but by cabal and intrigue; the king being without forces, and even without importance-the army without commanders and without subordination. No means of re-establishing order appearing, I proposed to the king to quit Paris, and to retire to the frontiers, persuaded that it would produce a happy change.

This proposal the king and queen constantly refused, alleging the promise which they had made, not to separate themselves from the national assembly-I urged in an swer, that a promise extorted by force was not binding. The transaction of the 28th of February induced me to renew my solicitations: but the king again reminded me of the constitution-the queen agreed with him in opinion, and rejected all the proposals which I made to that purport. I knew that all the powers in Europe were arming against France-It was in the power of the king to save that beautiful kingdom. I knew that its towns were dismantled, its finances exhausted, and that its fictitious money could not supply the specie that was wanting-besides, I did not doubt but that the people would throw themselves into the arms of their king, and intreat him to prevent the evils with which they were threatened.

After the obstacles which were thrown in the way of his journey to St. Cloud, on the 18th of April last, I represented to him that there remained but this one step to be taken to save France. He at length agreed to it, and resolved to go to Montmidi. He agreed, that as soon as he should be in safety there, he would inform the foreign powers of it, that they might suspend their vengeance till a new assembly should be formed. He then would have published a proclamation to convoke this new assembly, according to the ancient laws, which would have been the rule of his conduct. The king would have become the mediator between foreign powers and his people; and they, placed between the fear of becoming a prey to foreign powers, and a hope of the re-establishment of order, would have intrusted their interests to an enlightened assembly, who would at length have repressed those crimes which have resulted from popular despotism. That is what your monarch would have done that is what he would have done in spite of you; in spite of the ingratitude of his ferocious people. He was actuated by no other motive. Your blindness induced you to refuse that protecting hand which he extended towards you-it will soon be productive of the destruction of the empire of the French. me, gentlemen, the princes of Europe consider themselves threatened by the monster whom you have cherished-your country will soon become the theatre of a most bloody war. Your means of defence are inadequate—it is too late to think of adopting measures for defence. You will be justly and

severely

gained the attachment of the soldiery, and is capable of enforcing obedience at home, and respect abroad."

Your reply to me was a memorable one, and I am able to recapitulate it exactly:-"I give you my word of honour to enforce the decrees of the national assembly with my utmost power, whether I approve them or not; I also pledge you my word of honour, never to involve my country in a civil war." Perhaps this conversation has been recollected by you since your arrival at Luxembourg; you may have been afraid lest one of the words of honour which you have betrayed should be forgotten, and you have undoubtedly addressed your letter to me, for fear that this claim to public infamy should lose its just reward.

If this is your motive, sir, I doubly thank you for your correspondence.

1

Protest of Two Hundred and Ninety Deputies, against the Decrees which suspend the exercise of the Royal Authority, and which infringe the inviolability of the sacred person of the King.

THREE months have scarcely elapsed since we deputies undersigned made known to our constituents our protest against a decree which attacked the sacred principle of the inviolability of the king's person. The zeal with which many of us defended it on the 28th of March, the conviction which we entertained that it was impossible to violate with impunity this principle essential to all monarchy, are too well justified by the events now passing under our eyes, and by the afflicting spectacle of which we have the misfortune to be witnesses.

The king and royal family conducted as prisoners, by authority of the decrees of the national assembly; the monarch guarded in his palace by soldiers not subject to his command; the royal family entrusted to a guard, over whom the king has no authority; the right of directing the education of the presumptive heir of the throne taken from him, who, both as king and father, had the most undoubted right, and the strongest obligation to direct it; in fine, the monarch, whose inviolability was declared even by the new constitution, suspended by a decree from the exercise of his authority; such is the afflicting spectacle which we and all good Frenchmen lament, and such are the too obvious and too fatal consequences of the first vio

lation offered to this sacred and fundamental principle.

And we ought to declare it, since we are compelled to refer to the decree itself against which we have protested, and against which we still protest, there is none of those measures which was not before proscribed to the constitution, in the name of which they are taken, The sacred person of the king was declared inviolable: one only abuse was provided for, in which, contrary to all the principles essential to monarchy, it was supposed that that inviolability might cease. This case has not yet occurred; nevertheless the king is dragged as a criminal into his own capital, and made a prisoner in his own palace, and despoiled of his prerogative. Thus, after having infringed the inviolability of the king by decrees, they annul them in order completely to destroy it.

Amidst these outrages offered to the monarch, to his august family, and in their persons to the whole nation, what has become of the monarchy? The decrees of the national assembly have centered in themselves all the royal power; the seal of the state has been deposited on their table; their decrees are rendered executory without requiring sanction; they give direct orders to all the agents of the executive power; they inclose in their own name oaths, in which Frenchmen do not even find the name of their king; commissioners, who have received their mission from them alone, traverse the provinces, in order to receive oaths which they exact, and give directions to the army: thus, at the moment at which the inviolability of the king

was annulled, monarchy was destroyed; the appearance of royalty no longer exists; a republican interim has succeeded.

Far from all those who are acquainted with the rules of our conduct (and, we believe, there are very few Frenchmen who do not rightly appreciate them), be the idea that we could concur in such decrees. They are not less unpleasant to our feelings, than repugnant to our principles. Never have we more severely felt the rigour of our duty, never have we more lamented the fatal consequences resulting from the mission with which we were charged, than when forced to remain witnesses of acts which we regarded as culpable attempts; while those who are most frequently our organ, became timid, for the first time condemned themselves to silence, that they might not involve the sacred cause in that unpopularity which had so ingeniously been contrived to be thrown upon our party. Without doubt, if we were guided by common rules; if we yielded to the horror with which we are inspired by the idea of being thought to approve, by our presence, decrees, to which we were so averse, we would fly without delay, we would without hesitation separate from an assembly, who have been able to break through principles which they had been forced to preserve. But in circumstances so singular, we can neither assume common rules nor our own sentiments as the basis of our own conduct. When our principles, our honour, may perhaps, in the opinion of a great number, command us to fly, motives more imperious still exact of us a painful ́sacrifice,

sacrifice, that of remaining in a situation where we preserve the hope of preventing greater evils.

Before the calamitous epoch at which we are arrived, we could at least grasp the shadow of monarchy; we fought upon the wreck; the hope of preserving it justified our conduct. Now, the last blow has been given to monarchy. But, in addition to that great motive, we were bound by other duties. The monarch exists; he is captive; it is for the king's sake that we ought to rally our strength; it is for him, it is for his family, it is for the precious blood of the Bourbons, that we ought to remain at the post, where we can watch over a deposit so valuable.

We will discharge, then, this sacred duty, which alone ought to be our excuse, and we will prove, that in our hearts the monarch and the monarchy can never be separated.

But whilst we comply with this urgent duty, let not our constituents expect to hear us come forward upon any other subject. While one interest alone can force us to sit along with those who have raised a mis-shapen republic upon the ruins of monarchy, it is to that interest alone that we are

wholly devoted. From this moment the most profound silence, on whatever shall not relate to this subject, shall express our deep regret, and at the same time our invariable opposition to every decree that may be passed.

In fine, let our constituents turn their attention to the circumstances in which we are placed; if, in the present moment, we have not gloried in marching foremost in the path of honour, our situation now

imposes, both with regard to them and to ourselves, duties which do not go beyond ourselves alone. For us, honour lies no longer in the common track; our sole object is the triumph of the sacred cause with which we are intrusted; but let them be beforehand assured, that whatever may happen, to whatever extremities we may be reduced, nothing will efface from our hearts the unalterable oath which irrevocably binds us to the monarch and to monarchy.

After these considerations, which appear to us founded upon the true interest of the nation, and the eternal advantage of the people, essentially dependant on monarchy, we declare to all Frenchmen

That after having constantly op posed all those decress, which in attacking royalty, either in its essence, or in its privileges, have prepared the people to receive without indignation, as without examination, the anti-monarchical principles to which these days of anarchy have given birth;

That after having defended till the last moment, monarchy undermined in its foundations;

That after having seen its ruin completed by the deliberations of the national assembly; for to attack the person of the monarch, is to annul monarchy; to suspend monarchy is, in fine, to destroy it;

Nothing can authorise us any longer to take part in deliberations, which become in our eyes guilty of a crime which we do not wish to participate ;

But that monarchy existing always in the person of the monarch, from whom it is inseparable; that his misfortunes and those of his august family, imposing upon us a

stronger