principally instrumental in defeating this attempt of the anti-revolutionists, through the influence he possessed over his countrymen; some thousands of whom joined him with the utmost readiness on this occasion. No less favourable were the reports from the frontiers of Germany. Disheartened with repeated disappointments, many individuals of consequence among the French emigrants, had, it was said, intimated to the Princes, that it behoved them to make good their promises of undertaking something for the common cause they were jointly engaged in; and unless some measures were adopted, more promissory of success than those that had hitherto been proposed, it would better become them all to return quietly to France and submit to the government, than to remain abroad with no other prospect than that of being shortly educed to indigence.

But that circumstance, which alone operated now more decisively than all others, in confirmation of the powers and of the views of the National Assembly, was the constant and striking encrease of their adherents throughout France. They were supported by so prodigious a majority of the nation, that the dissentients were no longer considered as an object of the least apprehension, notwithstanding the unshaken perseverance with which they still continued to assert their principles, and their invincible courage in avowing their enmity to the constitution, in defiance of so much danger.

In the mean time it was the general expectation, that the King would accept the constitutional code; the weightiest reasons con.

curred to establish this persuasion. He had witnessed in his flight the universal attachment of the French to the new constitution, and their abhorrence of the ancient government. He saw that those members of the National Assembly who opposed the present system, were held in such aversion, that their persons were hardly safe from violence.

The army, once the blind and submissive instrument of the crown, had renounced its implicit obedience, and was in fact become the army of the people. The church, that had been the strenuous enforcer of passive obedience, had now lost its influence, and from a state of almost absolute independence of the civil power, was reduced to a level with other subjects. The nobility, so long the faithfulest defenders of the throne, had equally partaken of its downfal; their privileges were no more; their authority, so much dreaded, and so extensively exerted, was totally at an end; and they were become undistinguished members of the community, with this aggravating circumstance to their disadvantage, that they were suspected by all other individuals of being their secret and irreconcileable enemies.

These were general considerations, that could not fail of being obvious to all reflecting people: but there were also personal motives of essential weight to induce the King to lay aside all thoughts of combating any further what was evidently the desire and resolve of the whole nation. A rumour had gone forth, and was credited, that the King's brothers, with the concurrence of the other branches of the royal family, intended, as soon

as

as he should have put his person in their power, solemnly to declare him inadequate to the government of France in its present tempestuous condition, and to appoint a regent in his room. The King, it was not doubted, had been apprized of this design; and hence it was said, cheerfully submitted to the restraints imposed upon him, from a persuasion they would terminate en his compliance with the wishes of the public.

The Princes, on the other hand, were grievously mortified at finding themselves branded with so heinous a suspicion. It was the more readily admitted that the King was believed to be much more inclined to gratify the people than either of his brothers; neither of whom, for that reason, had ever enjoyed so great a share of affection and popularity as himself: nor had he totally lost them, even in his present condition. The generality were very willing to impute to the advice and influence of others, every step he had taken against the sense of the public; and still hoped that he would at last be brought to act conformably to it, after so many proofs that his welfare depended entirely upon his acquiescence. It behoved the Princes, and especially the royal brothers, to clear up these suspicions, which exposed them to the bitterest censure even of their adherents; who were not less prepossessed in favour of the King's personal disposition preferably to theirs, than the French in general had always been. In order to dispel this injurious suspicion, a proclamation was published, wherein the King's brothers solemnly and strongly denied the imputation cast upon them; and insisted that they

entertained no other views than of restoring to the King his lawful power, and re-establishing order and tranquillity in the kingdom.

Whatever may have been the King's notions on this matter, certain it is, that he was now fully resolved to put an end to his perplexities, by coinciding in the most explicit manner with the demands of his people. Suggestions were not wanting to him of the inutility of contending with them any longer, and of the precariousness of that assistance which he had been

promised by foreign foreign powers. Success was doubtful at best; France was an immense country, surrounded by a chain of fortified towns, which would be defended with the utmost obstinacy. The French were a mighty nation, possessing far greater resources than those who were projecting to attack them. Two years had elapsed since the revolution; during which space no indications had appeared that the French could be prevailed upon, either by arguments or by compulsion, to retract what they had done. Were an invasion to take place, and the king suspected of favouring it, which would certainly be the case, he would incur the ill-will of his people to such a degree, that no protection could be afforded him: were he to secure himself by flight, whatever respect might be shewn to his person, he would be at the disposal of those powers into whose hands he committed himself; and they would assist him no longer than they found it convenient.

Were the efforts of his friends to prove fruitless, which would most probably happen, his condition wouldthenbetruly forlorn:

he

he would live the remainder of his life an exile from the country of which he once had been and might have remained the sovereign; and would depend for his very subsistence on the capricious bounty of those princes, by whose advice he would have brought himself to such a wretched condition. Admonitions of this nature were laid before him from more than one quarter, and wrought it seems their intended purpose The willingness he testified to come into the measures proposed to him, produced a very striking effect upon the people of Paris. As soon as the King's intentions were intimated to them, their satisfaction was expressed by every proof that could be given; and the sullenness that had so long accompanied the mention of his name was instantly obliterated. Hence the King might naturally be encouraged to hope that he might easily recover the attachment of his people, by a judicious degree of condescendence.

The constitutional code had at length been finally revised, and those alterations inserted which, after due consultation, were deemed requisite. On the 3rd of September the Assembly formally declared it completed; and a resolution passed against the admission of further changes, and for its immediate printing and publication in every part of France. It only now remained to be presented to the King. Sixty members were named for this purpose. They waited upon him with great solemnity; and he received them with every ap pearance of satisfaction and goodwill. On their presenting the code, he informed them that the importance of the subject required

his most attentive and serious examination; and that as soon as he had acquitted himself of this duty, he would apprize the Assembly of his intentions.

But the circumstance which proved most satisfactory to that body, and to the public, was, that he signified his determination to remain in Paris during his perusal of the code. This obviated at once all the difficulties that might have arisen, had he thought proper to have removed from Paris. Not a few entertained a firm persuasion that he would have availed himself of the liberty that was to be allowed him of chusing whatever place of residence he judged fittest for the purpose of deliberating, without restraint, on the business before him. When thus left to himself, they doubted not but he would immediately turn his thoughts towards effecting an escape; which, from the greater facility and opportunities he would find in such a situation, might not prove a matter of much difficulty. Whatever were his private inclinations, he was advised, and resolved accordingly to make use of the first moment of his release from confinement to regain the confidence of the Parisians, by remaining voluntarily in the midst of them. This conduct did him the most essential service: it met with the loudest applauses in the Assembly, and gave universal satisfaction to the city of Paris, and to the whole kingdom. Had he, agreeably to the expecta tion of many, and the wishes of numbers of his warmest adherents, attempted to escape, it was the opinion of the most discerning people, that he could not have succeeded. In the uncertainty whe

ther

ther he would remain in the capital, or remove elsewhere, such precautions had been taken to watch his motions, that he would have still continued, in reality, as strictly guarded as before; and the least endeavour to fly must have been instantly detected.

Considerations of this nature induced him, it was imagined, to give up all ideas of quitting the kingdom; to which it may be added, that the hope of restoring order and peace, by complying with the desires of his subjects, operated powerfully in a mind naturally prone to conciliatory measures, and influenced the King to prove, by every act of condescension, his willingness to remove all causes of suspicion or complaint.

The King and the constitution were now in every person's mouth; and people were persuaded that an end was approaching to the troubles under which they had so long laboured. The violent republicans and the zealous royalists were the only people dissatisfied: but the former, though very numerous, were incomparable in point of strength and numbers to the constitutionalists; and the second were inconsiderable in every respect. The republican party did not however desist from pursuing measures it had long employed to warp the public mind from its inclination to monarchy; it strongly reminded the people of the reports that were current at the time when the King fled from Paris:-these were, that in case he succeeded in overcoming the revolutionists, more than fifty of their principal leaders were to have been proscribed, and a government established, little, if at

all, differing from the former tyranny.

But these insinuations proved ineffectual to the end proposed, which was, to provoke an active opposition to the restoration of the King to his royal functions. Whatever was alleged concerning his intentions on the supposed success of his plan, passed unheeded, however it might be well founded. The generality of men seemed heartily disposed to bury all the past in oblivion, and to procure a pacific introduction of the new system, by obliterating all resentment for what had been done in support of the old.

Those who were in the King's intimacy, and in whom he confided, as desirous to promote his re-esta❤ blishment, fully availed themselves. of this favourable disposition in his behalf, By their advice, after keeping the constitutional code in his hands no longer than ten days, he wrote a letter to the Assembly, signifying his resolution to accept of the constitution. He endeavoured in this letter to excuse his late flight from Paris, ascribing it to the excessive animosity and violence reciprocally observable in all parties, which precluded him from judging rightly of the real temper and disposition of the nation: but having since that occurrence found reason to conclude the people's inclinations were evidently in favour of the new constitution, he now considered it as his duty to gratify what so manifestly appeared to be the real wishes of his subjects. He then proceeded to press the necessity of applying with the strictest energy to the maintenance of government, all the means which

the

:

the constitution afforded to that end experience alone would shew whether they were sufficiently calculated to produce a firm and judicious administration, to obviate dissentions and disorder in the transaction of public affairs, and to enforce a prompt and undisputed submission to legal authority, and secure tranquillity and subordination in so vast and populous a kingdom as France.

But the most essential part of the letter was that which was founded on the evident propensity of the public to conciliation. Relying on that circumstance, the King ventured to recommend a sincere reconciliation of all parties, and that every proceeding and measure occasioned by the revolution should be consigned to oblivion, and an unlimited amnesty put an end to all resentment and prosecution. The effect produced by this letter shewed how well it had been timed. The Assembly not only expressed the liveliest satisfaction at the King's acceptance of the constitution, but coincided instantly with his request, and passed without delay an act for that purpose. On the ensuing day, which was the 14th of September, the King repaired to the Assembly, where he formally declared his acceptance of the constitution, and signed his declaration in their presence. He was received with great respect; and after the ceremony was over, he was attended by the whole Assembly to the Thuilleries, amidst the acclamations of all Paris. What highly contributed to the gracious reception he met with from the Assembly, and the marks of satisfaction he experienced from the public on this day, was, that conformably to the decree that

suppressed those orders which denoted superiority of birth, the King wore no other badge of distinction than the cross of St. Louis, an order instituted for all subjects indiscri minately. No other oath was required of the King, on his acceptance of the constitution, than that which he took at the confederation the preceding year. He swore fidelity to the nation and to the law, and to employ the power intrusted to him in maintaining the constitution framed by the Assembly, and enforcing the execution of the laws.

The joy expressed by all orders of men at this great event hardly knew any bounds. Every public place was crowded with people, testifying by the warmest exclamations, their affection and thankfulness to the King for his compliance with the national wishes. The theatres were particularly zealous in demonstrations of loyalty and attachment: several plays were acted, wherein examples and passages recommending the most fervent and implicit loyalty to kings, were received by the audience with as much warmth and applause as if they had actually resolved to reinstate the King in all his former power.

Sunday, the 18th of September, was fixed upon, by order of the Assembly, for a formal proclamation in Paris of the constitution. It was performed with the utmost splendor, after being proclaimed in the principal places of the city. The constitutional code was carried with great solemnity to the field of the confederation, and there placed on the altar, which was decorated in the same style as a twelvemonth before: it was then solemn

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