shed, rapine, and anarchy. Wherever a country is thus divided, such a multiplicity of jarring interests arise, and so many objects of ambition present themselves, as cannot fail of producing continual scenes of contention, originating in the ambition, the avarice, and the jarring interests of the rulers or the subjects, which involve the people in all sorts of calamities. Instances without number might be adduced, but a glance at the state of England during the time of the Heptarchy will suffice to exemplify the propriety of this observation. In an extensive monarchy there is only one great political interest, and the objects of ambition, however splendid and attractive, are fewer, and consequently within the reach of a smaller number of persons; in such a state all tends to one central point, instead of deviating to different centres. The vast collective mass of the people is united in one political system, and in one general interest, and the different provinces which compose the empire enjoy the advantages of a free and uninterrupted commerce; a circumstance of incalculable benefit, both to individuals and to the whole community. Supposing even an extensive monarchy to be despotic, and the monarch himself a sanguinary and unfeeling tyrant, yet, by reason of the extent of his dominions, only a few individuals, who most of them voluntarily bring themselves into contact with him, feel the effects of his cruelty and despotism. Those who, from motives of ambition or interest, approach his person, and serve him as the instruments of his tyranny, are the persons who principally feel the heavy hand of the tyrant. The great mass of the people feel its pressure in a much lighter degree. Distance of situation, and the great multitude of subjects, cause individuals to escape his notice. The reverse is the case in petty states, where the eye of the tyrant is always upon the individuals of his contracted dominions; and a tyrant at the distance of a thousand miles, is infinitely preferable to a tyrant at home, at our very doors. The history of mankind affords a multiplicity of proofs, that extensive monarchies are more conducive to the tranquillity of the world, and the general interests of humanity, than petty states."—Ibid.

9. Logic is applied to history in inculcating the truths and lessons of morality and religion:

"Besides, it is the history of the Bible which hath conveyed down to us the knowledge of those miracles and divine wonders which have been wrought by the prophets, the immediate messengers of heaven, to prove that they were sent of God. It is in this history we read of those Prophecies of things to come, together with the accomplishment of them, which stand in a beautiful connexion from the beginning of the world to the days of the Messiah. All of them join to confirm our faith in the several

revelations of religion which God has made to the sons of men; and all concur to establish the last and noblest scheme of religion, that is, Christianity. Thus the very history of Scripture has a powerful and rational influence to establish our belief of the Gospel, and to make us Christians upon solid and reasonable grounds.

"I add yet further, that in the historical part of Scripture we read the holy Laws of God, exemplified in the life and practice of good men in several ages of the world: and when we see the rules of religion copied out in the words and actions of our fellowcreatures, it renders the performance of them more practicable and more delightful to us. While the word of command stands in the law to require our obedience, the actual obedience of our fathers to those commands recorded in the history, invites our imitation, and makes the work more easy.

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"We find not only the precepts but the sanctions of the law of God exemplified in the narratives of Scripture. How often do we read the promises of God fulfilled in the rewards of the righteous, and his threatenings executed against wilful transgressors! these things set the government of God before our eyes a stronger light; they show us that his words of promise and threatening are not empty sounds; and make it appear, with sensible conviction, that he will certainly reward, and that he will as certainly punish. The many wonderful instances of a Divine Providence which concerns itself in the affairs of men, and which are recorded in the word of God, have a natural tendency to awaken our fear of so great and glorious a Being, and to encourage our hope and trust in him. In a word, the perfections of God, whereby he made and governs the world, are set before our eyes by the Scripture History in such divine colours, as give us a more awful and more amiable idea of God himself, than any words of description could have done, without such an historical account of his works of nature, grace, and providence."— Dr. Watts's Scripture History.

There are many other ways in which logic is applied to history. Such, for example, as in the investigation of the causes of "great facts"-the cause of the spread of Christianity-cause of the rise of Mahometanism of the Reformation of the French Revolution, &c. &c. Also, in tracing effects, as the effects of the feudal system-of the crusades -of the discovery of America, &c. &c. I mentioned to you, at the commencement of my book, that although the mere acquiring of information is not reasoning, yet every fact in history may, in some way or other, become the subject of a reasoning process.

SECTION III.

THE APPLICATION OF THE ART OF REASONING TO POLITICAL ECONOMY.

"POLITICAL Economy" is the name which is given to the Science of Wealth. Adam Smith does not use this name, but simply calls his work "An Inquiry into the Nature and Causes of the Wealth of Nations." A political economist is one who studies or explains the doctrines of political economy. He is not merely one who believes Malthus's theory of the population, Huskisson's system of free trade, Ricardo's theory of rent, and Sir Robert Peel's opinions on the currency. These doctrines do not constitute the science; they are some of the disputed doctrines of the science. He who rejects them is, in our view, as much a political economist as he who maintains them.

I am not going to teach you political economy, but merely to give you a few hints as to the use of the art of reasoning in acquiring a knowledge of some of its principles :

I. The art of reasoning then will teach you that you should understand clearly the nature of the science you intend to learn.

"The science of political economy is intimately connected with the daily occurrences of life, and in this respect differs materially from that of chemistry, astronomy, or any of the natural sciences; the mistakes we may fall into in the latter sciences can have little sensible effect upon our conduct, whilst our ignorance of the former may lead us into serious practical errors. There is scarcely any history or any account of voyages or travels that does not abound with facts and opinions, the bearings of which cannot be understood without some previous acquaintance with the prin ciples of political economy: besides, should the author himself be deficient in this knowledge, you will be continually liable to adopt his errors from inability to detect them."

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This science is essentially founded upon history,-not the history of sovereigns, of wars, and of intrigues; but the history of the arts, of trade, of discoveries, and of civilization. We see some countries, like America, increase rapidly in wealth and pro

sperity, whilst others, like Egypt and Syria, are impoverished, depopulated, and falling to decay: when the causes which produce these various effects are well understood, some judgment may be formed of the measures which governments have adopted to contribute to the welfare of their people; whether such or such a branch of commerce should be encouraged in preference to others; whether it be proper to prohibit this or that kind of merchandise; whether any peculiar encouragement should be given to agriculture; whether it be right to establish by law the price of provisions or the price of labour, or whether they should be left without control; and so on. You see, therefore, that political economy consists of two parts,-theory and practice; the science and the art. The science comprehends a knowledge of the facts which we have enumerated: the art relates more particularly to legislation, and consists in doing whatever is requisite to contribute to the increase of national wealth, and avoiding whatever would be prejudicial to it."-Mrs. Marcet's Conversations on Political Economy.

II. The art of reasoning will teach you to be systematic and methodical in your studies.

Dr. Watts observes, in his "Improvement of the Mind," that "the best way to learn any science is to begin with a regular system, or a short and plain scheme of that science, well drawn up into a narrow compass, omitting the deeper and more abstruse parts of it ;" and he remarks in another place, that if a man in his younger days has arranged all his sentiments in any particular order, it will be much more natural and easy for him to continue to dispose all his further acquirements in the same order. And he illustrates this by the arrangement of books in a library: when we have accustomed ourselves to any particular arrangement, we can find a book more readily than if they were again to be arranged in even a better order.

Recent writers on political economy have usually divided the science into four parts,-Production, Distribution, Interchange, and Consumption. Under the first division, they have considered labour and capital; under the second, rent, profit, and wages; under the third, commerce and money; and under the fourth, the consumption of Government and that of individuals. It cannot be denied that there is a neatness in this division, and doubtless all the topics of the science may be discussed under one or other

of these heads. But perhaps we cannot have a better division of the science than into-the Nature,-the Causes,and the Effects of National Wealth. Under the first head, you might enumerate the articles that constitute wealth; under the second head, specify the causes; and under the third head, trace the consequences of wealth on the happiness, intelligence, and morals of the population, &c. The 'main object of a plan is to assist the memory by a systematic arrangement of your knowledge; and the next object is to be able to adjust under some head or division of your plan, any additional knowledge you may acquire.

The NATURE of national wealth is thus described by one who was both a poet and a monarch :—

"Rid me, and deliver me from the hand of strange children, whose mouth speaketh vanity, and their right hand is a right hand of falsehood: that our sons may be as plants grown up in their youth; that our daughters may be as corner stones, polished after the similitude of a palace: that our garners may be full, affording all manner of store: that our sheep may bring forth thousands and ten thousands in our streets: that our oxen may be strong to labour; that there be no breaking in nor going out; that there be no complaining in our streets. Happy is that people, that is in such a case; yea, happy is that people whose God is the Lord."-Psalm cxliv. 11-15.

The CAUSES of wealth may be thus enumerated:

1. The physical characteristics of a country are a source of its wealth.

Moses, in describing the Land of Promise, uses the following language; and, like a skilful orator, fixes upon those points in which Canaan was superior to Egypt: For the land whither thou goest in to possess it is not as the land of Egypt, from whence ye came out. But the land is a land of hills and valleys, and drinketh water of the rain of heaven.' The Lord thy God bringeth thee into a good land, a land of brooks of water, of fountains and depths that spring out of valleys and hills. A land of wheat and barley, and vines, and fig-trees, and pomegranates. A land of oil olive, and honey. A land wherein thou shalt eat bread without scarceness, thou shalt not lack anything in it. A land whose stones are iron, and out of whose hills thou mayest dig brass.' This may be regarded as a negative description of Egypt. The land of Canaan was not, like the land of Egypt, a