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Dr. Paley's "Moral and Political Philosophy"-Chapter "on War."
Mode of discusssing the question of its lawfulness

This mode inconsistent with the professed principles of the Moral
Pilosophy-with the usual practice of the author

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Inapplicability of the principles proposed by the Moral Philosophy
to the purposes of life

Dr. Paley's "Evidences of Christianity”

Inconsistency of its statements with the principles of the Moral

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Argument in favour of war from the excess of male births

-from the lawfulness of coercion on the part of the civil magistrate Right of self-defence-Mode of maintaining the right from the instincts of

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Attack of an assassin-Principles on which killing an assassin
is defended

Consequences of these principles

Unconditional reliance upon Providence on the subject of defence

Safety of this reliance-Evidence by experience in private life—
by natural experience

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UPON THE MILITARY CHARACTER.

Familiarity with human destruction-with plunder

Incapacity for regular pursuits" half-pay"

Implicit submission to superiors.

Its effects on the independence of the mind

on the moral character

Resignation of moral agency

Military power despotic

UPON THE COMMUNITY.

Peculiar contagiousness of military depravity

Animosity of party-Spirit of resentment

Privateering-Its peculiar atrocity

Mercenaries-Loan of armies

Prayers for the success of war

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The duty of a subject who believes that all war is incompatible with

Christianity

Conclusion

PREFACE.

THE object of the following pages is, to give a view of the principal arguments which maintain the indefensibility and impolicy of war, and to examine the reasoning which is advanced in its favour.

The author has not found, either in those works which treat exclusively of war, or in those which refer to it as part of a general system, any examination of the question that embraced it in all its bearings. In these pages, therefore, he has attempted, not only to inquire into its accordancy with Christian principles, and to enforce the obligation of these principles, but to discuss those objections to the advocate of peace which are advanced by philosophy, and to examine into the authority of those which are enforced by the power of habit, and by popular opinion.

Perhaps no other apology is necessary for the intrusion of this essay upon the public, than that its subject is, in a very high degree, important. Upon such a subject as the slaughter of mankind, if there be a doubt, however indeterminate, whether Christianity does not prohibit i-if there be a possibility, however remote, that the happiness and security of a nation can be maintained without it, an examination of such possibility or doubt, may reasonably obtain our attention.-The advocate of peace is, however, not obliged to avail himself of such considerations at least, if the author had not believed that much more than doubt and possibility can be advanced in support of his opinions, this inquiry would not have been offered to the public.

He is far from amusing himself with the expectation of a general assent to the truth of his conclusions. Some will probably dispute the rectitude of the principles of decision, and some will dissent from the legitimacy of their application. Nevertheless, he believes that the number of those whose opinions will accord with his own is increasing, and will yet much more increase; and this belief is sufficiently confident to induce him to publish an essay which will probably be the subject of contempt to some men, and of ridicule to others. But ridicule and contempt are not potent reasoners.

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Christianity can only operate as an alterative. By the mild diffusion of its light and influence, the minds of men are insensibly prepared to perceive and correct the enormities, which folly, or wickedness, or accident have introduced into their public establishments."* It is in the hope of contributing, in a degree however unimportant or remote, to the diffusion of this light and influence, that the following pages have been written.

For the principles of this little volume, or for its conclusions, no one is responsible but the writer: they are unconnected with any society,

* Paley's Moral and Political Philosophy.

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benevolent or religious. He has not written it for a present occasion, or with any view to the present political state of Europe. A question like this does not concern itself with the quarrels of the day.

It will perhaps be thought by some readers, that there is contained, in the following pages, greater severity of animadversion than becomes an advocate of peace. But, "let it be remembered, that to bestow good names on bad things, is to give them a passport in the world under a delusive disguise."* The writer believes that wars are often supported, because the system itself, and the actions of its agents, are veiled in glittering fictions. He has therefore attempted to exhibit the nature of these fictions and of that which they conceal; and to state, freely and honestly, both what they are not, and what they are. In this attempt it has been difficult-perhaps it has not been possible-to avoid some appearance of severity: but he would beg the reader always to bear in his recollection, that if he speaks with censure of any class of men, he speaks of them only as a class. He is far from giving to such censure an individual application: Such an application would be an outrage of all candour and all justice. If again he speaks of war as criminal, he does not attach guilt, necessarily, to the profession of arms. He can suppose that many who engage in the dreadful work of human destruction, may do it without a consciousness of impropriety, or with a belief of its virtue. But truth itself is unalterable: whatever be our conduct, and whatever our opinions, and whether we perceive its principles or not, those principles are immutable; and the illustra tion of truth, so far as he has the power of discovering it, is the object of the Inquiry which he now offers to the public.

* Knox's Essays, No. 34.

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