"That this House regrets that the Colonial Department did not bestow more attention on the affairs of the Malay Peninsula from the time of the Pangkok Treaty in January 1874 to October 1875."

agree to this Vote of Censure-which | vernment of the Straits Settlements was should never have been placed upon the transferred from the India Office to the Notice Paper unless the noble Lord was Colonial Office. From that date until prepared to support it by strong and 1873 the burden of every despatch that serious argument. The noble Lord was had been sent out by successive Colonial good enough to give him (the Earl of Ministers to the Residents at Perak was Carnarvon) credit for good intentions; that they should interfere as little as but surely it was strangely inconsistent possible with the affairs of the Peninwith that view of the case to propose a sula, and the avoidance as far as posVote of Censure. The Resolution ran as sible of political complications. In 1873 follows:a change occurred which was, he believed, forced upon the Government of the day by the overwhelming stress of circumstances. In that year, matters came to a serious head. The Chinese faction were engaged in a deadly feud with the Malays; blood was spilt, the trade of the country was being destroyed, anarchy reigned-and unless the whole district was to go into sheer ruin it was absolutely necessary that some control should be exercised by our Representatives in that country. On the 20th September, 1873, the noble Earl opposite, his Predecessor in office (the Earl of Kimberley), looking to all these circumstances, wrote to Sir Andrew Clarke, who had been appointed Governor, directing him to apply a remedy to this anarchical state of things. Sir Andrew Clarke, proceeding to act upon these instructions, ultimately agreed with the Chiefs in the Peninsula upon a Treaty which settled the question of disputed succession; appointed provisional Residents; and, while pacifying the Chinese rioters, inflicted punishment upon such of them as deserved it. Shortly after this a change took place in the Government of this country, and he (the Earl of Carnarvon) communicated to Sir Andrew Clarke his approval of the arrangements he had made. He thought the subject was one which required much consideration before he expressed even a qualified approval of the course that had been taken; but afterwards he gave a practical sanction to the Treaty engagements, and more recently still he had impressed upon the Governor, in successive despatches, the importance of exercising the utmost caution in dealing with the affairs of the Settlements. During the whole time that Sir William Jervois was in office, only two despatches on the subject of the Settlements reached the Colonial Office, and these described the condition of the country as being everything that could reasonably be desired. It was, therefore, with the utmost asto

This proposition raised three separate and distinct questions-first, intention; but really to ask for a Vote of Censure on such a point as that, was to turn what was a most important and deliberate act of Parliament into a jest. Secondly, the noble Lord asked the House to express its "regret that the Colonial Department" had failed in its duty. Did their Lordships ever remember before a Department thus attacked? If anybody was responsible it was himself and himself alone. He protested against such attacks upon those who were discharging the duties of a public office with selfsacrifice and self-devotion, and with so much ability-and on that point he knew he should have the assent of both sides of the House. Then the noble Lord censured him because sufficient attention was not paid to the affairs of the Peninsula. What did he mean by "attention?" It was a wholly relative term; and he denied that either the Ministers or the officials could be taxed with any want of attention. It was very difficult to disentangle the noble Lord's charge from the mass of details with which he had overlaid it; but there were, at all events, some points on which he felt bound in courtesy to the noble Lord and to the House to give such explanation as lay in his power. The noble Lord's charge, when closely examined, appeared to resolve itself into this-that by the Treaty of Pangkok the English Residents had been converted from advising into controlling agencies -and that he (the Earl of Carnarvon) as Secretary of State ought to have employed any European force during the last two years in support of the Residents. It would be in the recollection of the House that in 1867 the Go

nishment that he heard that the Governor | Residents could not be re-adopted and had issued a Proclamation appointing continued with certain modifications. Commissioners at the Native Courts, and With respect to withdrawal, it was making other alterations. The conse- simply not to be thought of-it was an quence was the outbreak which resulted unworthy policy, and would be a danin the cruel and barbarous murder of gerous policy-instead of relieving us Mr. Birch, the British Resident at from responsibilities, it would increase Perak. It was necessary at once to complications. It need not, therefore, take strong measures. The troops on the be discussed. Then, as to annexation, spot were increased from 200 to 300, it was a question which had excited and after several conflicts, the measures the greatest attention at home and on taken put an absolute termination to the spot. He drew an extremely small the outbreak within two months of its distinction between a virtual and a commencement. He did not wish to go formal annexation-on the contrary, into the discussions that had arisen there were advantages in a formal which between Sir William Jervois and him- did not exist in a merely virtual annexself-those who wished to study them ation. Now, the local pressure brought would find them in the despatches. He to bear on the Colonial Government in could not accept his noble Friend's views favour of annexation was very great. that because he saw reason to differ from A great deal of intemperate language Sir William Jervois on some points, had been used, and, to show the prethough he agreed with him in others, it vailing local opinion, he would read an was his duty to recall him. He had a extract from one of the Straits papers of high opinion of that gentleman, formed considerable influence. It saidon his past services, and however erroneous his proceedings in the first instance he had hastened to retrieve them. An important question at issue was whether Sir William Jervois was or was not right in making of his own motion, and without authority from home, a great and serious change in the policy hitherto pursued by England in reference to the government of the Straits Settlements, and on this point he was bound to admit that in his view Sir William Jervois was wholly wrong. In such cases as these the authority should emanate from the Secretary of State, who was responsible to Parliament for the policy adopted. The real question was-what ought to be our future policy with regard to the Malay Peninsula? The ultimate responsibility of colonial government had to be accounted for to the Crown and to Parliament, and a policy which might affect the whole Peninsula and perhaps entail a great expense must originate in the Government in England. On the general question he understood the noble Lord (Lord Stanley of Alderley) to lay down three courses as possible in the first place, whether it was possible for Her Majesty's Government to withdraw altogether from interference with the Native Governments; in the second place, whether a policy of complete annexation was possible; and in the third whether the old system of advising by means of The Earl of Carnarvon

"The serious nature of the news from Perak and Salangore suggests some reflections. We feel sure that the Government will have the hearty support of every man of common sense in the three Settlements, in taking the severest and most peremptory measures in this matter. will settle it. We say this because we appreIt is the colony's quarrel; very well, the colony hend that the Home Government may possibly intervene. Nobody can say now-a-days what a British Government may do; but we distinctly think that the colony should, on its own responsibility, do what is right and proper, and, above all, do it quickly. Furthermore, if the Home Government show any signs of shrinking in this most righteous quarrel, then this colony will rebel, as it once very nearly did before, not against Her Majesty the Queen, but Her Majesty's ignorant and misguided Government." This language would tend to show the nature and amount of pressure which had been used. The local idea was thisthat there was vast room for the development of trade, and that trade would be fostered by annexation. But there was a widely different side to the question, and it was well before deciding to count the cost. Annexation involved the occupation of a district of from 10,000 to 15,000 square miles. Even if the transaction were effected peacefully it would still be an extremely costly operation. They would have to set up the whole machinery of administration, and in any event should maintain a large military force. The mines, which were said to be a source of inexhaustible wealth, were almost universally private property.

In

There was no agriculture in the country | knew how much importance attached to on which they could depend; and the questions of race and family, and only solution of the question would be although at some future time it might the importation of a large number of be possible to make a change, the least Chinese labourers which would in itself dangerous course at present in his opicreate an element of dissension and diffi- nion was to retain Abdullah as Soveculty. If, on the other hand, they an- reign-provided, of course, he remained nexed by compulsion, of course the cost true and loyal to his duties. On the would be much greater, and they would whole, he believed the general effect of have to deal with all the difficulties the arrangements now contemplated which the Dutch had to encounter. They would be good. He looked among other should in a matter of this kind have re- results for this-that the Government gard to Imperial considerations, and would have a better knowledge of the should not forget that it affected not only real feelings of the country, and obtain China, but India. They were bound to to a greater degree the concurrence of scan the whole political position, and the Chiefs and rulers of those territories not to fix their eyes simply upon one than had hitherto been the case. His spot when such a question arose-and in noble Friend opposite (the Earl of Kimthat view he was of opinion that it would berley), in one of his despatches, had be most imprudent to do anything that laid great stress on that point, and he would lead them to a wider field, and (the Earl of Carnarvon) had done the that the Government should put down same. The Malay was not a savage, its foot steadily against any proposal of unamenable to good treatment; he would annexation. With respect to the system answer to education if it were given him of Residents to which the noble Lord and the course the Government were (Lord Stanley of Alderley) had referred now taking was the most likely to edu-that system had been tried with great cate him up to the standard of good success in India, and in one place in the government which was desirable. south of the Peninsula it had been conclusion, he would only say that what already attended with good results. He had occurred in the Malay Peninsula freely admitted that they should always was but another illustration of the many learn by experience, and it had been the difficulties and responsibilities of Coloobject of Her Majesty's Government, nial Empire in the East. Our authority while adhering to the system of Resi- was beset by dangers of every kind, dents, to do so subject to certain modifi- against which the utmost watchfulness cations which by the light of experience at home was sometimes of no avail. He seemed to be necessary. They proposed quite agreed with the noble Lord (Lord that there should be in Perak and else- Stanley of Alderley) that the only course where a Council composed of Chiefs of to be pursued was to watch very closely eminence and position in the country to the accounts which might be transmitted assist the Resident. The use of the from the spot, and to require from our Councils would probably be more con- officials diligent attention to local cirfined to Perak than the other States; cumstances and hearty co-operation in but they would have the machinery and carrying out the policy laid down. could apply wherever it was thought Looking at the question in all its bearnecessary. He believed that in conse-ings, he submitted that the noble Lord quence of those Councils the influence of the Government would be increased rather than diminished. Following the course which had been adopted with great success by the Dutch in Java, he proposed that each Resident should have a body-guard. Had Mr. Birch possessed a small armed force, the tragedy they all deplored would no doubt have been prevented. Lastly, he had deemed it wise to retain Abdullah as nominal Sovereign of Perak, weak and incapable as he had proved himself to be. Those who were familiar with Malay affairs

had not made out a case for any censure of the Colonial Department.

THE EARL OF KİMBERLEY said, he agreed with most that had been said in reply to the noble Lord's speech, and believing that the noble Lord the Colonial Secretary was justified in the course he had taken, he could not support the Motion. The subject was, no doubt, of very considerable importance. The position which this country occupied in the Peninsula was a very peculiar one. Formerly the Portuguese held a great supremacy there, the Dutch succeeded

to the Portuguese, and ultimately the I ought to be annexed. But in that course influence devolved upon the English. of reasoning there were a great many Many persons supposed that we might assumptions which were not quite jusleave the affairs of the Peninsula alone, tifiable. It was possible to give but no one who studied the actual cir- Native States wholesome advice without cumstances of the case could fail to taking them altogether under our conconvince himself that a policy of non- trol. For an example of the success of intervention was impossible. When that system we had only to look to European settlements of such importance India. Our system, therefore, should as those of Penang and Singapore were be administered so as not to destroy the planted side by side with Malay States, Malayan Governments, but to support, it was impossible for them to avoid ex- advise, and guide them. On the whole, ercising great influence either for good looking at the position we held in the or evil on the surrounding population, Malay Peninsula, although it might be and with that influence came responsi- open to all the objections to which an bility. The occurrence of the Chinese intermediate course was always liable, riots in Perak, coupled with the danger yet it was the wisest and most judicious to the Native States arising from Euro- that we could assume; and he was peans obtaining large concessions and glad to hear from his noble Friend that employing them to acquire political in- in all the States where it had been fluence, rendered our intervention abso- tried, except at Perak, the system had lutely necessary. Of course we had no succeeded. right to prevent European influence from penetrating into the Malay States, but it was our duty to put those States as far as possible in a position to meet the new condition of things. All those circumstances seemed to him to have rendered it necessary to take the state of the Peninsula into consideration with a view to some change of policy. No doubt Sir Andrew Clarke went beyond his instructions, but he thought the noble Earl had done right in upholding his proceedings. He was sorry the noble Lord should have felt himself compelled to pass a reproof upon Sir William Jervois; but under the circumstances he felt bound to say he thought his noble Friend had taken the correct view of the matter. At the same time it was due to Sir William Jervois, who was a distinguished public servant, to say that he had only done what appeared to him to be his duty. He had no doubt committed an error in taking steps before receiving advice from home; but he entirely agreed that it would be unjust to recall him because of that mistake. He was a man of great abilities, and had proved himself a good administrator and Colonial Governor. On the whole, the policy adopted by the Government seemed to be the policy least open to objection. The mistake made by Sir William Jervois was to suppose that because Residents were appointed therefore it was necessary that they should have their own way, and that the States in question, being no longer independent, The Earl of Kimberley

LORD LAWRENCE said, it seemed to him, as far as he could judge, that some blame attached not only to the Governor of the Straits and the Governor of Penang, but also in some degree to the Colonial Office. But the real point as it struck him was that the Governor of Penang in the first instance committed a great mistake in preferring Abdullah to Ismail. Ismail was a man of stronger character than Abdullah, and, above all, he was a man whom the people of the country and the other Chiefs preferred. That appeared to have been the origin of the whole matter. Moreover, our representatives in those parts were placed in a most trying position through having no force near to help them in circumstances of extremity. A greater amount of force-two Native and one English regiments he believed—was formerly kept at the Straits and at Penang, but it had been reduced on the ground of expense, so that when disturbance broke out and troops were wanted they had to be sent for from China, India, and elsewhere. If under the previous system of non-interference they had more troops at the Straits and at Penang, how much more necessary was it that they should have a force of some strength there when they began to change their policy; and if the policy of having Residents at the Native Courts was to be maintained, there must be a considerable increase of military force there to uphold their authority. As to whether they should

wholly give up interfering with the in- | an officer in the nature of a Consul, ternal affairs of the Malay Straits-or, who, if his counsels were not followed, in other words, whether they should could be withdrawn without discredit. withdraw their Residents from Perak LORD STANLEY OF ALDERLEY, and Laroot-or whether they should in reply, said: I will not take up your annex the country, he thought the Lordships' time by replying to some of policy indicated by the noble Earl the the rhetorical artifices of my noble Colonial Secretary was the right one. Friend. It is, perhaps, too much to exIf, in the course of time, it was found pect that the noble Earl should admit that the system of maintaining a Resident that he has not given his attention to at Perak would not work, it would be these affairs; the noble Earl has said open to us to re-consider our position. that he was now giving them all his attention, and that he would do so in future, and therefore it will be more graceful for me, with the permission of the House, to withdraw the Motion.