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Not so the ultra marine minister, Vadillo, who is well grounded in political economy, a man of literature and knowledge. He was an advocate at Cadiz. He is blamed as too docile, and incapable of firm resolution. He has written some excellent works on the necessity of a free trade, for which he is a zealous partisan. He is considered a man of moderation and virtue.
• The man who has perhaps acquired most weight in the ministry, after San Miguel, is Capaz, the minister of marine. When he was in Peru, he surrendered to Lord Cochrane the fine frigate of war the Maria Isabel, in a manner far from being honourable to his courage. It must, however, be observed, that most of the operations of this minister have been commented upon in violent, which is not always just, language. He is a decided enemy to South American indepen. dence, and to his representations is chiefly to be imputed the unfor. tunate policy which infects this, as well as the former governments, of sending out expeditions to the American continent. Report, perhaps calumny, says that these expeditions are not unproductive of gain to himself and his friends. Such is the preponderance which he has acquired in the state, that there are not a few of his party who desire his fall, that they may have at least a chance of succeed
The treasurer-general, Yandiola, has no seat in the cabinet, but he is intimately connected with the present ministers, and generally consulted by them on all financial questions. He is rather a young man, forward, well educated; but though his manners are elegant and engaging, he has not been able to conciliate public opinion, which from the beginning has been adverse to him.
• Besides the ministers, the leading men of Cortes, Augustin and Canga Arguelles, Galiano, Isturitz, and a great majority of that body are of the
party called Freemasons. It must be understood that in Spain the Society of Freemasons is chiefly of a political character. The members composing it are persons who co-operated for the restoration of the constitution in 1820; hence they were so closely connected with the troops, who assisted them with such effect on that occasion, that they naturally adopted principles which every day tended more and more to subject the country to the rule of a stratocrasy.
• The ministry of Martinez de la Rosa, and the party which supported it, was understood to be of a character rather aristocratical.
They were called Anilleros (men who wear rings), and they consisted of the higher classes of the nobility. It is believed that an opinion prevailed very generally amongst them in favour of certain modifications in the constitution, the principal of which was the establishment of a chamber of peers. Some hopes had been given, it is said, to the courts of Russia and France, that the modifications which this party contemplated might be effected without the aid of foreign intervention. But those expectations were effectually frustrated by the events of the 7th July, and from that period, it is added, the two powers just mentioned determined on compelling Spain by force of arms to alter her constitution.
• The impulse which was communicated to the democratic principle of the constitution by the result of the events of the 7th of July gave birth to a third party, who called themselves Communeros. The leaders of this party, Palarea, Ballasteros, Romero Alpuente, Morales, and others, who participated by their personal exertions in the victory which was obtained over the royal guards, conceived that they deserved equally well of their country for having preserved the constitution, as the Freemasons did for having restored it. They soon gathered around them a very numerous party, which assumed to itself an exclusive interest in the third article of the Constitution, that is to say, in the sovereignty of the people. Some time after the Freemasons came into office with San Miguel, the differences between them and the Communeros grew every day more prominent. The latter outstripped the former in numbers, and drew up a regular constitution, which was calculated to organise a popular confederation throughout the Peninsula. pp. 61-5.
Mr. Quin followed the government to Seville, and he made some inquiries, he says, into the feeling of the Sevillians with regard to the Constilution : the answers which he received from persons resident there was to this effect.
• That when the Constitution was first proclaimed, a number of rich proprietors, and of steady commercial men, embarked ardently in the cause, under the hope that liberal institutions would tend greatly to the amelioration of their different interests. Within the last year, however, the frequent changes of ministry produced corresponding alterations in all the offices within the reach of their power ; and the displacements and successions directed by the actual ministry soon after they came into office, were particularly peremptory and extensive. The new employes, it was said, consisted mostly of that half-educated gentry, who, after leaving school, had spent the greatest part of their lives in the coffee houses, and billiard and gamblingrooms ; and when they found themselves invested with authority, they exercised it in a rude and sometimes oppressive manner, assuming to themselves the character of exclusive and ultra zealous Constitutionalists. The early and rational friends of the Constitution frequently experienced causes of disgust in the conduct of these new men ; and they found, according to their views and feelings, fifty petty tyrants, where only the influence of one was formerly distantly felt. They, in consequence, retired from the scene of public affairs altogether, and yielded it to the Exaltados—so the new men were here, as elsewhere, styled. The result of these proceedings upon the general spirit of Seville was to render it exceedingly indifferent towards the Constitution.
• One might suspect that this view of the matter had come from interested, and therefore questionable sources ; but, though I made many inquiries, I could hear no representation differing essentially from what is above stated. The frequent and ineffectual applications which the authorities were making every day for money, legally due
froni the inhabitafits, in order to enable thehi to prepare for the reception of the government, tended rather to corroborate this statement."
pp: 312, 19. Yet, amid this universal apathy, it seems that some sparks of enthusiasm have been' kindled, and that both music and poetry have been enlisted on the side of the patriot feeling. • Beautiful,' says Mr. Quin; "as many portions of their ancient • music may be, thete ate none superior, nor perhaps equal' in * point of melody, to some of the new patriotič' compositioñis.
• There is a fire, and at the same time a tenderness, in the best of these pieces, which, whatever becomes of the Constitution, promise them an immortality. I was detained a full' hour one day in the streets, listening to two itinerant musicians' performing a war song. One of them sung the air, and played it at the same time'on a violin, while his companion sung also and performed the accompaniment on the guitar. Both were blind, and neither sung nor played with mach'skill
, and yet it was surprising how much effect they threw into the words of the song. The air had occasional bursts of grandeur, which animated their sightless countenances with a flush of inspiration. In the intervals between the verses, the leader recited pas. sages from a prose' rhapsody, the object of which was to rouse the Spaniards to the remembrance of those injuries' which France in Alcted on the Peninsula, during the last' war, to Autter theń with the event of the contest, and to bid them bind on their swords for the ex. termination of the approaching invaders. One would be surprised at the attention with which these two bards were listened to. Teary" glistened frequently in the eyes of those' who were crowded around them.'
Our Author's notices of Spanish painting and music are, as might be expected, meagre and vague. He is not at home in the subject, nor had he time to collect the requisite information. He should not have ventured upon these topics, especially in his title-page.
Art. VII. Memoirs of the Baron de Kolli, relative to his secret
Mission in 1810 for liberating Ferdinand Vir. King of Spain, from
loyal, trusty, brave, and unlucky agents that were ever selected by a wise government for a secret and delicate mission. We find it hard to persuade ourselves, that the Marquess Wellesly placed any confidence in the discretion and adroitness of the individual to whom he entrusted the task of eluding and
bafiling the police of Bonaparte, and achieving the liberation of the royal prisoner. And yet, the Baron tells us, that he had been selected for the execution of this great enterprise, in preference to a colonel of indisputable merit,' we know not in what service, whose disinterestedness was not sufficiently relied upon.'
The deliverer of Ferdinand was expected to be a person guided neither by interest nor' ambition. Thus far the preferente was justified: the Baron seems to have been as pure and devoted a loyalist' as ever risked his neck in the cause of Legitimacy. Having at différent periods beéti employed in secret missions in France, Italy, and Germany, ke had moreover given, he says, sufficient pledges of his fidelity and devotion to the cause of the Bourbons and of royalty, to prevent the English ministers from being afraid to entrust him with the plan they had conceived to liberate Ferdinand. We should have liked exceedingly to know the nature and issue of some of these secret missions ; but the Baron observes a tantalizing silence respecting the whole of his previoushistory up to this period of Nov. 1809. It was an ominous time; the English expedition was off Walcheren ; and the same wisdom which presided over that most disastrous of enterprises, seems to have guided the Cabinet in the execution of this notable scheme for liberating Ferdinand. It is stated, that the late Duke of Kent requested permission from the King to become the principal in this plan, but that his Majesty could not consent io it. If this be correct, it affords a fine instance of chivalrous spirit and magnanimity in that distinguished and lamented individual; but one feels no surprise that the monarch's paternal feeling and good sense should have concurred in dictating his decided refusal, or that his ministers should have been equally unwilling to incur the responsibility of accepting so rash, though spirited a proposal. His majesty, however, appears to have taken no slight interest in the project; and the Baron was entrusted with a letter from King George 1II. to Ferdinand VII. in Latin, and in French, a copy of which is given in the present volume. The success of the measure seems, indeed, to have been very confidently. anticipated. A squadron was appointed to act in cuncert with the Baron; Admiral Sir George Cockburn · was to have made • his descent on the coast at the moment of his catholic ma.
jesty's arrival, and the king of Spain would then have been • at liberty.'
And he is now at liberty, this same Ferdinand, though neither Baron de Kolli nor the English ministry has the merit of letting him loose this time on his subjects! But at the period referred to, it is very doubtful whether the royal petti
coat-embroiderer would have accepted of the proffered services of his heretical friends, and have co-operated in the plan for his deliverance. This the English ministers seem to have taken for granted, without, so far as appears, thinking it worth while to ascertain the inclinations of the ex-monarch; or else they trusted it to the Baron de Kolli's eloquence, to overrule alike his fears, his scruples, and his indolence. They had, however, exercised their foresight so far as to provide, if not for his escape, yet, for his reception.
. Every thing which was regarded as conducive to the comfort and convenience of the king, was put on board ; the admiral sent his own plate, his best wines, chests filled with linen and clothes, an excellent selection of books, astronomical instruments and valuable maps, consecrated plate and ornaments for Divine service, a catholic priest to officiate; in a word, every thing which it was thought, would please the princes whom it expected to carry back to Spain.'
All this was doubtless very considerate ; yet, the issue makes these details appear somewhat ridiculous. The Baron de Kolli had picked up a young man at Antwerp, whom, on the strength of his open and expressive features, he had admitted to his confidence in the capacity of his secretary. In this indiscreet and unknown youth, strange to say, our ministers seem to have reposed a measure of confidence which there appears nothing in the circumstances of his introduction to warrant. The Baron exculpates his secretary from having betrayed the cause of Ferdinand ; but, whether he had played the traitor or not, to the full extent of deliberate perfidy, it is plain that he had blabbed. Albert," says the Writer, had
committed more than one fault, and the police furnished me • with ocular demonstration of it.' From what other person, indeed, could the French police have obtained information as to De Kolli's secret interviews with lord Wellesley at Sir George Coekburn's ? On his examination before the minister of police, M. Desmarest informed the Baron, doubtless to his surprise and chagrin, of the arrest of several persons with whom he had been politically connected. He adds : He gave a most • accurate account of my transactions in London, of my ar
rival in Quiberon, and of my slightest movements in France
up to the moment of my arrest.' The Baron imputes the treachery, in the first instance, to a M. de Ferriet, whom he fell in with off the coast of Quiberon, and whom he says he suspected from the first, he does not know why; his being a Frenchman, however, and pretending to be unfortụnate, combated his suspicions, and so he contented himself with making him half a confidant and half an enemy. M. de Ferriet was to have been detained on board an English vessel for some