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the conclusion of a permanent alliance with the universally acknowledged supreme chief of the Marhatta empire, in order, by this connection, to obtain an accession of territorial and military resources, with a consequent extension of the British influence in India; aware, in all probability, that hostilities might result from the establishment of such political relations, but, at the same time, conceiving that the adoption of this policy, whatever immediate consequences might arise from it, could alone permanently establish the security of our dominion in India.

With the materials before us, we do not pretend to judge which would have been the preferable system of policy. Independently of this question, however, we free, ly acknowledge that, in the su preme direction of affairs in India, the marquis of Wellesley has displayed very extraordinary talents. His genius and powers of com bination are of the first order. His comprehensive plans discover the resources of a mind of very uncom mon enlargement, and the heroic gallantry with which they were executed reflects immortal lustre on the British arms.

CHA P. IX.

Internal State of France-Observations on the Exposé laid before the Legislative Body-Conspiracy against the French Government-Arrestation of Georges, Picbegru, and Moreau-Speech of the First Consul in Reply to the Deputations from the Senate, the Legislative Body, and the Tribunate-Defence of General Moreau-Death of Picbegru-Seizure, Trial, and Execution of the Duke of Engbien-Pretended Conspiracy against the French Government under the fictitious Direction of Mehée de la Toube-Seizure of Sir George Rumbold by Command of the French Government-Plot at Warsarv-Discussion in the Tribunate relative to the conferring upon Buonaparte the Title of Emperor of the FrenchDecree of the Tribunate-Message of Buonaparte to the Senate-Organic Senatus Consultum conferring the Imperial Title on Buonaparte, and establishing it bereditary in bis Family-Address of Cambaceres to the Emperor-Reply of Buonaparte-Decree of the Emperor relative to the Imperial Family, and the Grand Officers of the Empire-Analysis of the Organic Senatus Consultum-Protest of Louis XVIII-Speech of the Emperor previously to the Coronation-Ceremony of the Coronation and Inauguration-The Emperor of Germany assumes the bereditary Title of Emperor of Austria-State of St. Domingo-Annexation of Louisiana to the United States of America-Concluding Reflections.

N forming an opinion on the state

republic, at the commencement of the year 1804, it may be necessary to withhold an unqualified confi

dence in the fidelity of the exposi

power annually lays before the le gislative body. The mere act of submitting a statement of this de

scription

scription to the legislative body, which in France constitutes a very subordinate department of government, itself implies, if not the actual existence of a more prosperous condition of things, at least the representation of a state of progressive improvement. It is not to be imagined that an unfavourable exposition of public affairs would be submitted by the consular government to general examination; nor is it to be expected that the exact condition of the republic will be accurately and faithfully described. Prepared, therefore, to make a due allowance for the high colouring of flattering statement, we shall proceed to give a condensed transcript of the material part of the exposé of the state of the French republic, which was laid before the legislative body on the 16th of January 1804.

General tranquillity is represented to prevail in the interior of France, and the recommencement of hostilities to have produced an union of sentiments and interests, and an increase of personal affection and attachment to the existing government. Secret depôts of arms are, however, acknowledged to have been found, and it is admitted that military conscription met with some resistance in La Vendée. Notwithstanding these circumstances, the return of social affections, and the daily display of public beneficence, in donations to the unfortunate, and foundations for useful establishments, are considered as characteristics of a general sentiment of public security. The war, it is af firmed, has not interrupted the constancy with which the government has pursued every thing tending to render congenial with the constitution the manners and disposition of the citizens, every thing likely

to attach all interests and all hopes to its duration. All the institutions forming constituent parts of the government, or connected with any objects within the extensive range of public utility, are described as having received splendour, improvement, and encouragement from the fostering care of the executive power. The civil, judicial, and criminal codes are represented to be in a state of approximation to maturity. The fine arts flourish amidst the treasures of the capital.

In the department of Marengo, the first camp of veterans is formed. Public works of every description are carried on with success under the immediate direction, and at the expense, of government. Among these, the canal which is to connect the Scheldt, the Meuse, and the Rhine, appears to be one of the most considerable. This, however, is stated to be yet only in the contemplation of the government. But the funds are provided for the execution of this undertaking, from which great commercial benefits are expected to be derived. The junction of the Ranee with the Vilaine is also to be effected, in order to connect the Channel with the Ocean, and to convey prosperity and civilization to districts in which agriculture and the arts languish, and where refinements are but little known. Antwerp is represented to have been made, by a decree, a military post, an arsenal, and a dock-yard. At Boulogne and Havre, great works are in progress or completed. A mole is being constructed at Cherbourg, and a haven is now digging, where, in a few years, the republic will have its arsenals and its fleets. The internal navigation of France is universally improved, and the

right of fishing in navigable rivers is made a public property. The produce of the taxes is stated to have exceeded the expectation of the government, and the sinking fund to fulfil with steadiness its destination. Public credit has maintained itself amidst the shocks of war, and the rumours of interested individuals. The drafts issued at St. Domingo, for which full value has been received, have been paid off with interest from the day they became due to the day of payment. Those that were issued without effective value have been proved false, and payment has been refused. Thus the government satisfies the justice which it owes to lawful creditors, and which it owes to the nation, whose rights it is bound to defend.

The exposé proceeds to state the desire of the French government to have maintained peace with Great Britain. If, on the 8th of March, there existed an extraordinary armament in the ports of France and Holland; if a single preparation was made in them to which the most remote suspicion could give a sinister interpretation; then, it is confessed, the French government is the aggressor; the message of his majesty, and his hostile attitude, have been rendered necessary by a legitimate precaution; and the people of Great Britain would have a right to believe, that their independence, their religion, and their constitution, were threatened. But if the assertions in the message were false, if they were contradicted by the opinion of Europe, as well as by the conscience of the British government, in this case it is asserted, that government have deceived the nation, and have precipitated it, without reflection, into a war which may be decisive of its future de

stiny. It is admitted that Malta was the cause of the war, and that it remained with France to arm to effect its independence. The respective captures of the two powers are next alluded to, and the right of blockade is animadverted upon, as part of a system of naval usurpation. France is represented to have consented, in the treaty of Amiens, to moderate conditions; and a determination is expressed never to accede to any less favourable.

The subsisting relations between France and foreign powers are concisely stated. From the union of Louisiana to the American states, it is expected that the commercial relations between the French republic and the United States will be materially improved. The neutrality of Spain, the re-establishment of the Helvetic constitution, and the continuance of peace in Italy, are slightly alluded to. The Ottoman empire, fatigued by undermining intrigues, will, it is said, gain, by the interests of France, the support which antient alliances, a recent treaty, and its geographical position entitle it to demand. The tranquillity restored to the continent by the treaty of Luneville is represented to have been secured by the last acts of the diet of Ratisbon.

This state-paper, in whatever light it is viewed, is certainly a public document of material importance. Admitting that some, perhaps much, exaggeration is introduced in it, yet it shows that the French government is minutely attentive to whatever is connected with the internal prosperity of France. It is true that a variety of trifling subjects contribute to enlarge the list of public works; many, indeed most, of which are

inferior

inferior to the undertakings in which private individuals are in this country daily engaged. But the desire of promoting the internal improvement of the state is not the less manifest, from the diversity of inconsiderable as well as great objects which receive the care and attention of the sovereign power. If it be true, that internal tranquillity generally prevails in France, and that universal confidence is reposed in the executive power, it is in vain to expect that any internal efforts are likely to produce a change in the existing government. Those who sincerely wished to see the French councils animated by principles of moderation, and a desire to secure the general repose of Europe, must lament that an ambitious power is thus acquiring a degree of stability and permanence, which may enable it to shake to their foundation, or perhaps to subvert, all the antient political institutions of the continent.

The finances of the French republic, notwithstanding the injury their commerce has sustained from the war, are described to be beyond calculation flourishing. The pub. lic institutions for education are expected to answer the ends of their establishment, by impressing on the minds of the French youth principles in unison with those upon which the affairs of the state are administered. It may, there, fore, be naturally inferred, that they are to receive an education calculated to make them efficient instruments for the extension of the power and grandeur of the nation. State-ambition will thus form one of the prominent features of the next generation; and in addition to the incentives of actual example, it will probably be converted, by

the influence of early precepts, into a restless spirit of general action.

It is a singular feature in the exposé, that while it denies the existence of armaments in the French ports, or of any species of hostile preparations against this country, it admits that Malta was the cause of the war, and asserts that it remained with France to arm, in order to effect its independence. Such a declaration involves an acknowledgment of the determination of the French government to resort, sooner or later, to arms, for the accomplishment of this object, That there were some preparations in the French ports, although they probably were not, in the first instance, destined to be employed against this country, no one surely will attempt to deny. When, therefore, circumstances had arisen which rendered the strict execution of the article of the treaty of Amiens relative to Malta impracticable; when the hostile temper with which the discussions on this subject were conducted at Paris on the part of the first consul, and the facility with which these armaments might have been diverted from their original destination, to second any hostile intentions of the French government, are taken into just consideration ;— the assertion that his majesty's message was wholly destitute of foundation will appear false and unwarranted. Another passage in the exposé merits particular attention. It declares the resolution of the French government never to conclude with this country a peace, of which the terms shall be more favourable than those of the treaty of Amiens. This, however, must be decided and determined by the events of the war; and since the treaty of Amiens is supposed not

te

to have effectually provided for the security of the country, this declaration of the enemy should only serve to stimulate our exertions in the prosecution of this arduous

contest.

The session of the legislative body of the French republic opened on the 6th of January 1804, and closed on the 24th of March. In his opening speech, the minister of the interior predicted that this session would be marked by new benefits to the people. He intimated to the members of the legislative body, that it was the intention of the government to submit to their wisdom that series, which it had matured, of salutary and protect ing laws, which establish and consecrate the freedom of persons, the bases of transactions, and the guarantee of property. In the midst of the immense preparations which the war had rendered necessary, the government had not deferred a single useful expense, nor suspended a single enterprise. By its genius and providence, it had connected all the benefits of peace with the important cares of war. In no part of the republic,' he affirmed, 'do we see those agitations which announce apprehensions, or presage reverses. The stormy discussions which characterize distrust, or conceal sinistrous projects, are no where heard. Every thing is calm, happy, and tranquil.' The fallacy of this assertion it will, be our duty to demonstrate by the relation of an absurd and ill-digested conspiracy against the chief of the French government. The minister proceeds to state, that the courageous French youth range themselves with ardour under the standards of the country; the farmer, the merchant, the manufacturer, press round the government

to offer it their harvest, their gold, and their produce; and the French people, proud of their government, confident in their means, and happy in their institutions, express but one sentiment-love for the august head of the state; and free from fear, from agitation, from disquietude, repose in him the care of their destiny.

The speech of Fourcroy, the ora tor of government, at the close of the session, is of a widely different tenor.

He observes that laws the most important have been discussed in the midst of war, in the midst of a most atrocious conspiracy. He accuses the British government of employing its ministers at Hamburgh, at Stutgard, and at Munich, as agents for the prosecution of this conspiracy; and, in the language of revolutionary violence, he represents the illus trious fugitives, who have found in this country an asylum from French persecution, as deeply implicated in crimes and plots against the government established in France. Death is the punishment which he denounces against them, should they dare to pollute with their presence the soil of the republic. It should be remembered that this jacobinical oration was pronounced by Fourcroy, three or four days after the execution of the duke of Enghien, while the thirst for the blood of princes was ap parently still unallayed.

It is very far from our intention to abet or to justify, in the slightest degree, any species of conspiracy against an established

government; nor can an opinion upon a skilful or absurd combination of the secret arrangements of a plot be construed, by any perversion of language, into approbation. We may, therefore, safely pronounce, that

few

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