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and other regulations, congress perceived the necessity of a general power, to regulate the trade of the United States, by navigation acts, or acts countervailing the commercial regulations of foreign nations. On the 30th of April, 1784, therefore, they recommended to the states, to vest the general government, for the term of fifteen years, with power to prohibit any goods being imported into, or exported from the United States, in vessels belonging to, or navigated by, the subjects of any power, with whom the United States had not formed commercial treaties; and, also, with the power of prohibiting, for the same term, the subjects of any foreign nation, unless authorized by treaty, from importing into the United States any goods or merchandize, not the produce or manufacture of the dominions of the sovereign, whose subjects they were. Though congress declared to the states, that unless vested with powers competent to the protection of commerce, they could never command reciprocal advantages, and that the trade of the United States must go into the hands of foreigners; yet, obvious as these truths were, the states could not be induced to grant the powers asked for, in such a manner, that the same could be exercised by the general government. Some of the states themselves passed laws countervailing the regulations respecting the West India trade, by imposing higher tonnage duties, on British vessels, than on their own or those of other nations, as well as higher duties on goods imported in British bottoms. Massachusetts, indeed, prohibited the transportation of any goods, wares, or merchandize, the growth or produce of the United States, in British ships. But as these acts were neither uniform nor permanent, little benefit was derived, or could be expected from them; and the Massachusetts act was soon repealed.

Difficulties with Great Britain were not confined to regulations respecting commerce. Serious disputes soon arose, concerning the execution of the treaty of peace; and each nation complained of infractions by the other. On the part of the United States, it was alleged, that negroes had been carried away, contrary to the treaty; and as early as May, 1783, congress instructed their ministers for

negociating peace, to remonstrate to the British court, against this conduct of their commander in America, and to take measures to obtain reparation. The United States, also, complained that the western posts had not been surrendered, agreeably to treaty stipulations. Great Britain, on her part, alleged, that legal impediments had been interposed, to prevent the collection of British debts in America; and that the fifth and sixth articles, relating to the property of the loyalists, had not been complied with.

In June, 1784, the legislature of Virginia, not only declared, that there had been an infraction on the part of Great Britain, of the 7th article, in detaining the slaves and other property of the citizens of the United States, but instructed their delegates in congress, to request, that a remonstrance be presented to the British court, against such infraction, and to require reparation. They also directed them to inform congress, that the state of Virginia conceived, a just regard to the national honor and interest obliged her assembly, to withhold their co-operation in the complete fulfilment of the treaty until the success of such remonstrance was known, or they should have further directions from congress. They at the same time, declared, that as soon as reparation for such infraction should be made, or congress should judge it indispensably necessary, such acts as inhibited the recovery of British debts, should be repealed, and payment made, in such time and manner, as should consist with the exhausted situation of the state.*

In consequence of these difficulties and disputes, congress, early in the year 1785, determined to send a minister plenipotentiary to Great Britain; and on the 24th of February, John Adams was appointed to represent the United States at the court of London. He was instructed "in a respectful but firm manner to insist, that the United States be put, without further delay, into possession of all the posts and territories within their limits which are now held * State Papers, vol. 1, pp. 355, 356.

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by British garrisons; and you will take the earliest opportunity of transmitting the answer you may receive to this requisition.

"You will remonstrate against the infraction of the treaty of peace by the exportation of negroes and other American property, contrary to the stipulations on that subject in the seventh article of it. Upon this head you will be supplied with various authentic papers and documents, particularly the correspondence between general Washington and others on the one part, and Sir Guy Carlton on the other.

"You will represent to the British ministry the strong and necssary tendency of their restrictions on our trade to incapacitate our merchants in a certain degree to make remittances to them.

"You will represent in strong terms the losses which many of our, and also of their merchants will sustain, if the former be unreasonably and immoderately pressed for the payment of debts contracted before the war. On this subject you will be furnished with papers, in which it is amply discussed."*

Mr. Jefferson was soon after appointed to represent the United States, at the court of Versailles, in the room of Dr. Franklin, who had leave to return home, after an absence of nine years. Mr. Livingston having resigned the office of secretary of foreign affairs, Mr. Jay, in March, 1784, and before his return from Europe, was appointed in his place.

Mr. Adams repaired to the British court, and was received as the first minister from the United States since their independence was acknowledged. The appearance of an ambassador from a country heretofore in colonial subjection to the British crown, was a novel spectacle throughout Europe, as well as in England. Nor could the circumstance fail to wound the pride of the British nation.

Mr. Adams, however, was received by the king in his first audience, with great politeness; and the address of the American minister as well as the answer of his majesty on this occasion, from the novelty of the scene, possess a peculiar interest. The

* Secret Journals of Congress, vol. 3, pp. 535, 536.

ceremony of an address on his first introduction, was found to be indispensable. After the usual salutations, Mr. Adams thus addressed the king, "Sir, the United States of America have appointed me their minister plenipotentiary to your majesty, and have directed me to deliver to your majesty this letter, which contains the evidence of it. It is in obedience to their express commands, that I have the honor to assure your majesty of their unanimous disposition and design to cultivate the most friendly and liberal intercourse between your majesty's subjects and their citizens, and of their best wishes for your majesty's health and happiness, and for that of your royal family.

"The appointment of a minister from the United States to your majesty's court, will form an epoch in the history of England and America. I think myself more fortunate than all my fellow citizens, in having the distinguished honor to be the first to stand in your majesty's royal presence in a diplomatic character; and I shall esteem myself the happiest of men, if I can be instrumental in recommending my country more and more to your majesty's royal benevolence, and of restoring an entire esteem, confidence, and affection, or in better words, the old good nature, and the old good humor,' between people, who though separated by an ocean, and under different governments, have the same language, a similar religion, and kindred blood. I beg your majesty's permission to add, that, although I have sometimes before been entrusted by my country, it was never in my whole life in a manner so agreeable to myself."

To this the king replied:

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"Sir-The circumstances of this audience are so extraordinary, the language you have now held is so extremely proper, and the feelings you have discovered so justly adapted to the occasion, that I must say, that I not only receive with pleasure the assurances of the friendly disposition of the people of the United States, but that I am very glad the choice has fallen upon you to be their minister. I wish you, sir, to believe, and that it may be understood in America, that I have done nothing in the late contest but what I thought myself indispensably bound to do by the duty which I owed to my people. I will be very frank with you,

I was the last to conform to the separation: but the separation having been made, and having become inevitable, I have always said as I say now, that I would be the first to meet the friendship of the United States as an independent power. The moment I see such sentiments and language as your's prevail, and a disposition to give this country the preference, that moment I shall say, let the circumstances of language, religion, and blood, have their natural effect."

After this answer the king inquired of Mr. Adams, whether he came last from France? and being answered in the affirmative, with his characteristic familiarity, he with a smile said to him, "there is an opinion among some people that you are not the most attached of all your countrymen to the manners of France."

Mr. Adams, surprised at the remark, and not less so at the air of familiarity with which it was made, in reply, observed→ "that opinion, sir, is not mistaken; I must avow to your majesty, I have no attachment but to my own country." To this the king immediately said, "an honest man will never have any other.""*

In December, 1785, Mr. Adams presented a memorial to the British secretary of state, in which, after stating the detention of the western posts, contrary to the stipulations in the treaty of peace, he in the name and in behalf of the United States, required, "that all his majesty's armies and garrisons be forthwith withdrawn from the said United States, from all and every of the posts and fortresses before enumerated, and from every port, place and harbor, within the territory of the said United States, according to the true intention of the treaties."

To this memorial the British secretary, lord Carmarthen, returned an answer, on the 28th of February, 1786, in which he acknowledges the detention of the posts, but alleges a breach of the fourth article of the treaty of peace on the part of the United States, by interposing impediments to the recovery of British debts in America. "The little attention," says the secretary," to the fulfilling this engagement on the part of the subjects

* Life of John Adams. Biography of the signers to the declaration of independence, vol. 8, pp. 311, 312, 313.

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