Duelling, like public war, has long been practised as an honourable and necessary mode of deciding controversies or redressing wrongs; and it is indeed far the less unjust and horrible of the two. But this Gothic practice is sinking in public estimation. In this vicinity it has been proved that a man may decline a challenge with the applause of his fellow citizens,-while the challenger escapes the hand of justice by flight. In Alabama a law has recently been enacted, which exposes the duellist to be for ever excluded from any office of honour or profit in that state. The fatal combat of two commodores induced expressions of indignation against the practice, in perhaps every respectable newspaper in the country. From these facts it may be inferred, that duelling will soon cease to be regarded as an honourable mode of settling disputes, and of course be confined to men who have no reputation to lose. Stabbing is another species of war little known in New England, but more common in the southern and western states. This practice has called forth a law for its suppression in Indiana, and a remonstrance from a grand jury in Virginia. Enlightened men in those regions have discovered, that the practice of preparing for this species of war, by "wearing arms," has been the occasion of 66 numerous instances of stabbing.' Those who are acquainted with analogical reasoning may now be able to account for the frequency of national contests. They may also be led to reflect on the exterminating havoc which would have resulted, had duelling and stabbing been as much encouraged as public war has been, by education, applause, and the patronage of governments. Privateering" a relic of the ancient piracy," and a branch of modern warfare, is losing its reputation among reflecting men. During the last session of Congress, the Committee on Foreign Relations made a Report, which was accepted by the House of Representatives, and well adapted to hasten the abolition not only of Privateering, but the whole system of maritime depredation. It may also be observed, that a luminous article on the subject has been circulated through the country, in the North American Review; and that one hundred copies of the article were printed in the form of a Tract, and the greater part of them were presented to the Committee for distribution, by the Author-that intelligent and amiable member of our Society, whose unexpected decease has so recently filled our hearts with grief. The numerous instances of piracy, the trials, condemnations, and executions for that crime, which occurred in the course of the year, have probably caused many to reflect on the palpable barbarism and injustice of similar depredations, when practised under licenses from Christian governments! In proportion as inhuman customs become the subjects of reflection, the more their enormities are perceived and abhorred. Fifty years ago the African Slave-trade was generally regarded in our country as a just, necessary, and honourable species of traffic. Men engaged in it with as little suspicion of its immorality, as they engaged in buying and selling oxen and horses. But in 1820, by a law of Congress, this inhuman traffic became piracy, and punishable with death. What then can hinder a similar change in public sentiment, as to the necessity, the justice, and the glory of war! One discovery prepares the way for another. Those who are aiready convinced that duelling, stabbing, privateering, and the slave-trade, are needless and savage practices, will naturally inquire, whether there be not other things still popular, which are equally abhorrent to reason, religion, and philanthropy. Such inquiries will not be in vain; and they may result in a full conviction, that the practice of making war on unoffending colonies and innocent subjects, to revenge the wrongs of their rulers, is as repugnant to the principles of benevolence and moral justice, as any of the crimes for which felons are doomed to the gallows. The policy of our ancestors, in offering a premium of one hundred dollars for every Indian scalp, though popular in Massachusetts less than a hundred years ago, is now regarded with horror. But an enlightened posterity may be unable to see in what respect this conduct is more immoral or inhuman than other methods of exciting the spirit of war, which are still practised by Christians ; and they may be of the opinion, that offering such premiums was less censurable than the common practice of employing one tribe of Indians to destroy another. Thus, by the progress of light, civilization and philanthropy, barbarous principles and usages, one after another, may be discovered and exploded, till the enormous superstructure of public war shall be diminished, undermined, overthrown, and consigned to infamy and oblivion. Through the influence of beneficent exertions, the principles of universal brotherhood are acquiring an ascendency in the hearts of men. When such principles shall be imbibed by the rulers of nations, and cherished by them in their subjects, with the same ardour that the spirit of war has been encouraged, a new state of society will be introduced ;war will lose its infatuating charms; the energies of men will be displayed in saving rather than destroying-in doing good rather than mischief. Then the song of angels will resound through the world,-Glory to God in the highest; on earth peace, good will among men. "And though long distant be the hour, Along the fair horizon spread? Swift may its dawning light increase, From the Herald of Peace. The Semblance and the Reality. 66 "YES," said the Baron, the profession of a soldier wears a very attractive aspect to those who only behold it in its holiday garb, in all its splendid panoply, divested of its vicissitudes, its horrors, and its sufferings. I remember, when a boy, being present for the first time at a review, held by Henry ш. at Fontainbleau. My senses, my imagination, were captivated, dazzled; military enthusiasm instantly plumed her rapid wing, and wandered through such scenes of bright illusion, performed such feats of supernatural courage and godlike heroism, as romance loves to design, and fancy to colour with her brightest tints. I burnt my Demosthenes, for being less eminent in the field than the rostrum ; and abandoned Horace as a coward, to be destroyed by moths and musk; while the Achilles of Homer, and the Eneas of Virgil, with a few preux Chevaliers of modern date, became my study and morals. But alas! a few years military experience faded the glowing tints my imagination had shed over the picture. I saw that the laurels which fame hung over the path of victory, did but conceal his footsteps bloody track; and that the heart of humanity, of reason, groaned in anguish over those deeds which gave immortality to the name of the hero. I saw the ambition of a few, the scourge of millions; and I beheld the warrior, in his splendid career, overturning the rights, the liberties, and happiness of mankind; and obtaining a deathless name, for having desolated and laid waste the fairest treasures in the moral and natural world." [Lady Morgan.] National Dangers, and Means of Escape. THE extraordinary success which attended the American exertions in favour of liberty and independence, with the unparalleled growth and prosperity of the United States, have left perhaps scarcely a doubt on the minds of our citizens, whether the Revolution will or will not be ultimately beneficial to the country. In the blessings which Providence has conferred on this land, all have reason to rejoice. That they may be continued and multiplied, is the ardent desire of the writer of this article. But he apprehends that there are serious grounds to fear, that our present privileges will be of shorter duration than is generally anticipated, unless the attention of our countrymen can be excited to the dangers which threaten them, and to "the things which belong to their peace." Some facts will therefore be stated, which he regards as a ground of alarm, notwithstanding all the present prosperity of the nation.-Liberty will be taken to express a dissent, on some points, from opinions which are perhaps popular in all countries; but this, it is hoped, will be done in the spirit of candour, and not of reproach, and accompanied with such reasonings as may at least evince that the subject deserves a candid and thorough examination. The sources of danger will be comprised in the following particulars : First. In the Revolutionary war, our countrymen avowedly contended for liberty and the rights of man; yet they hold in slavery about half as many human beings as there were of white people in these States, when they were declared free and independent. So huge a mass of oppression, injustice and degradation-exposed as it is to the sunshine of liberty, cannot fail to ferment; and, unless a remedy shall be provided, the fermentation will probably increase till it shall burst all the bands of restraint, and overwhelm the country with distress and horror. What could have been more shocking to a reflecting mind than to see these States-unmindful of the condition of the Blacks, engage a second time in war, on account of some violated rights? or to see them sacrifice twenty or thirty thousand of our citizens, to revenge alleged wrongs done to some of our seamen by impressment into a foreign service,while, as a nation, we held in absolute slavery nearly a million and a half of our brethren! A righteous God cannot but abhor such inconsistency in a people who are so ready to fight for liberty; nor will He be deaf to the cries of the oppressed. How many thousands of the poor slaves might have been redeemed, transplanted, and placed in comfortable circumstances, by the hundred and twenty millions of dollars expended in the late war! Would not such an act of justice and mercy have contributed a thousand fold more to the safety and glory of the nation, than all our boasted exploits of revenge, depredation and havoc ? In another view of the subject, the direful mass of slavery exposes our country to ruin. The Missouri questions have already agitated the States, throughout their whole extent; and in some instances they have produced such menacing language as ought not to be countenanced in a civilized country. The progress of light respecting the rights of men, will naturally give rise to other questions, which will demand more of the spirit of conciliation and forbearance than has yet appeared in America. It is infinitely important to the welfare of these States, that the principles and spirit of Peace should be as thoroughly and extensively cultivated, as the principles and spirit of Liberty; for if the latter shall continue to be cultivated, and the former discarded or neglected, the most horrible consequences will naturally result. A case may be stated, the occurrence of which it is the ardent desire of the writer to prevent. Suppose then, that the Negroes should be kept in ignorance of the Christian principles of love, forbearance and peace, till, by hearing of the glory of fighting for the rights of man, they become intoxicated with the popular sentiment"Liberty or Death," and resolve, unanimously, "to be free, or perish in the attempt." How shocking must be the consequences to themselves and to myriads of others! But what man who is friendly to the principles of the American Revolution, could raise the arm of violence to repel the Negro's claim to the rights of a free citizen? How very desirable then it must be, that both slave-holders and slaves should have their minds seasonably imbued with sentiments of benevolence and peace, that they may live together in harmony, till the way shall be prepared for the emancipation of the slave, with safety to himself, and to his master! Second. The host of prejudices excited by the wars with Britain greatly endanger the future peace and welfare of the United States. To the prejudices which originated in the Revolutionary contest, we may justly look for one of the principal causes of the more recent war. By the late war, the prejudices were increased; and these expose the parties to future conflicts. This source of danger is augmented by the imprudent policy which is still pursued in both nations. To illus trate this remark a plain case may be stated : A long and bloody quarrel had existed between the two powerful families of A and B-in which each suffered great injuries from the other. At length, however, they became weary of the contest-formed a treaty of peace-mutually engaged to refrain from further hostilities, and to treat each other as neighbours and friends. But strong prejudices had been induced by the contest, and their mutual wounds were not soon forgotten. Since their solemn agreement to " bury the hatchet," and to live in peace, the members of each family are often heard reproaching those of the other for past injuries, boasting of their own sanguinary exploits, and of the advantages they gained during the conflict. Narratives of what they suffered and what they achieved, are on each side accompanied with bitter sarcasms, adapted to prolong their mutual prejudices, and to transmit them to future generations. These things are done in private circles, at public festivals, in theatrical exhibitions, annual orations, and extensively diffused by newspapers and other periodical publications. In addition to these glaring improprieties each family has been openly, avowedly and unceasingly preparing for another conflict. Such are their jealousies of each other, and such their mode of preserving peace. Now what shall be said of such a policy between two neighbouring families? Is it not manifestly impru dent, antichristian, barbarous, and in the highest degree reprehensible and dangerous? Would it not be next to impossible for them, while pursuing such a course, to make others believe that they really desire to avoid future wars? Yet such is the policy of Christian nations!-Such the policy of Great Britain, and of the United States! While in words they bless God for peace, and pray for its continuance, they pursue a direct course to defeat their own prayers and to blast their own enjoyments. Third. The thirst for military and naval fame, in a large portion of our citizens, is another source of danger to our country. Under any form of government this disease is the bane of liberty and public happiness. In a republic, it is peculiarly dangerous. Its direct tendency is, the subversion of Republican principles and the destruction of freedom. The more this thirst for sanguinary fame is indulged, the greater is the probability that our country will often engage in needless and ruinous wars,-and that gradual encroachments will be made on the rights of our citizens, till they shall rise against the government, or sink under the hideous weight of a military despotism. May it not also be truly affirmed, that a thirst for martial renown is not merely dangerous to liberty and peace, but in its very nature, offensive to God-immoral, inhumane, and even murderous? How is this military glory to be achieved but by exciting wars and filling the earth with violence and devastation? Is he not then a murderer at heart, who desires an opportunity to acquire fame by shedding the blood of his brethren? What shall be said of the monster in human form, who is willing that thousands of his brethren should perish, or millions be made miserable, that he may be called a Conqueror or a great General? Is he not an enemy to God, to his country, and to his species? Yet is not this diabolical ambition the very thing which is extolled and adored by thousands in this country, as well as in Europe?-But what better does any people deserve than the curses of war, the chains of despotism, and the vengeance of Heaven, who worship the idol military glory? And is it possible to conceive of a viler passion, either in man or devil, than the love of war? Fourth. The unnatural means which VOL. III. are employed to prevent war and preserve peace, may justly be regarded as a source of danger and ground of alarm. War and peace are as perfectly opposites in nature, as disease and health, or death and life. What then can be more unphilosophical than to suppose, that such opposite effects are to be produced by the same causes or means? Yet is it not a fact, that the popular means for preserving peace, are the natural means for producing war? Suppose it to be the real desire of two governments to be frequently at war with each other; what means will they adopt? will they not employ the greater portion of their respective revenues in preparations for war, and little or none in preparations for peace? Will they not in various forms exert their influence to excite and cherish the spirit of war, the love of martial glory, and admiration of military and naval exploits? Surely these are the natural means of war. They are also the very means which Christian nations have adopted as means of peace! As reason and nature teach that opposite effects will result from opposite causes or means, if the popular means for preserving or producing peace are adapted to their end, the following prescription will exhibit the genuine means for producing war: A Recipe for producing a general war in Christendom.-Let the several governments display towards each other the spirit of benignity, confidence and friendship-lay aside their expensive preparations for national hostilities, and no more give the world reason to suppose, that they mutually regard each other as unprincipled, public cut-throats and robbers: let much of the revenues of each government be employed in diffusing in every direction the principles of candour, forbearance and amity,-and for bringing into disrepute the spirit, the maxims, the exploits, the apparatus and parade 2 Q |