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of nature, investigating the qualities of bodies, or mastering the difficulties of the learned languages. We should not care whether he were chemist, naturalist, or scholar; because we know it to be as necessary that matter should be studied, and subdued to the use of man, as that taste should be gratified, and imagination inflamed.

In those who were destined for the church, we would undoubtedly encourage classical learning, more than in any other body of men; but if we had to do with a young man going out into Public Life, we would exhort him to contemn, or at least not to affect, the reputation of a great scholar, but to educate himself for the, offices of civil life. He should learn what the constitution of his country really was,-how it had grown into its present state,-the perils that had threatened it, the malignity that had attacked it, -the courage that had fought for it, and the wisdom that had made it great. We would bring strongly before his mind the characters of those Englishmen who have been the steady friends of the public happiness; and, by their examples, would breathe into him a pure public taste, which should keep him untainted in all the vicissitudes of political fortune. We would teach him to burst through the well paid, and the pernicious cant of indiscriminate loyalty; and to know his Sovereign only as he discharged those duties, and displayed those qualities, for which the blood and the treasure of his people are confided to his hands. We should deem it of the utmost importance, that his attention was directed to the true principles of legislation, --what effect laws can produce upon opinions, and opinions upon laws,—what subjects are fit for legislative interference, and when men may be left to the management of their own interests. The mischief occasioned by bad laws, and the perplexity which arises from numerous laws,-the causes of national wealth,-the relations of foreign trade,—the encouragement of manufactures and agriculture,-the fictitious wealth occasioned by paper credit,--the laws of population, the management of poverty and mendicity,--the use and abuse of monopoly,—the theory of taxation, -the consequences of the public debt. These are some of the subjects, and some of the branches of civil education to which we woulil turn the minds of future Judges, future Senators, and future Noblemen. After the first period of life had been given up to the cultivation of the classics, and the reason.. ing powers were now beginning to evolve themselves, these are some of the propensities in study which we would endeavour to inspire. Great knowledge, at such a period of life, we could not convey; but we might fix a decided taste for its acquisition, and a strong disposition to respect it in others. The formation of some great scholars we should certainly prevent, and hinder many

from

from learning what, in a few years, they would necessarily forget; but this loss would be well repaid, - if we could show the future rulers of the country that thought and labour which it requires to make a nation happy,-or if we could inspire them with that love of public virtue, which, after religion, we most solemnly believe to be the brightest ornament of the mind of man.

Art. IV. A View of Spain ;. comprising a descriptive Itinerary

of each Province, and a general Statistical Account of the Country. Translated from the French of Alexander de Laborde. 5 vol. 8vo. London, 1809.

This 'His work is not without value; though its faults and de

fects greatly overbalance its merits. It contains some useful, and much minute information, interspersed with reflections, that are often judicious and well founded, but it is, on the whole, a dull, prolix, tasteless performance, without life or spirit, and full of the grossest errors and inconsistencies. The author, a Mr Alexander de Laborde, whom his translator has converted into ' an elegant scholar and erudite antiquary, possessed of a highly cultivated taste, and extensive information on all literary and philosophical subjects,' is editor of an expensive, showy publication, called Voyage Pittoresque de l'Espagne, which was undertaken, some years ago, by the banking-house of Laborde at Paris, as a commercial speculation, to be executed by artists paid and employed under its direction. As the superintendance of a publication of this sort, which was to derive its chief value, not from the authors that compiled, but from the artists that decorated and embellished it, could add but little to Mr Laborde's litera. Ty reputation, he was induced, while preparing it for the press, to employ himself in collecting materials for a work of a more respectable description, in which he proposed to treat, not only of the present state of Spain, but of the causes that, in past times, had influenced the progress of its industry, civilization and prosperity.' Unfortunately, however, for this literary project, he was interrupted in the midst of it by the revolution of Bayonne, the nomination of Joseph Bonaparte to the vacant throne of Spain, and the unexpected resistance of the Spanish nation to a change of dynasty, which they foresaw must reduce their country to be a mere, dependancy of France. The interest which these extraordinary events produced througilout Europe, and the sympathy so generally felt, even in France, for a people that had the courage or temerity to engage in so

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unequal

unequal a contest, excited the regret of Mr Laborde, that his work

was not further advanced to its conclusion. ; . Fortua mate,' he exclaims, ' would be the author, who was prepared at this moment to trace the events which, through every period, have contributed their influence in the fate of this monarchy.' But regret was useless. So far from being ready to publish' a philosophical and political history of Spain, he had not even completed his statistical account of that country. " It would have taken me three years,' he observes,' to have executed this work tolerably, which it was necessary to finish in a few months. If I had delayed it, it would have been of no use.? As al mercantile speculation, we admit that it would have been of less value, had Mr Laborde's publication been kept back 'till it was rendered fit to meet the public eye. Possibly the fate of Spain might have been decided before it could have appeared ; and certainly, in that case, it would have experienced a less favourable reception in France, and might not have passed, in a short time, through several editions.! But, whatever it might have lost in the rapidity of its sale, we will venture to assure Mr Laborde that it would have gained in the permanence of its reputation. It might not have been published till it had become to Spain' what the antient ordinances of war, the arrêts of Parliament, and the liberties of the Gallican church are now to France ;! But it would have been purged of anachronisms and historical blunders ; 'freed from inconsistencies and contradictions; its errors corrected; its deficiencies supplied ; its superfluities retrenched ; and its plagiarisms more skilfully concealed, or, if that was impossible, more honestly acknowledged.

Mr Laborde's work consists of an introduction, which occupies about one fourth of his first volume, and is by far the best written and most entertaining part of his book; of short direcrions for travelling in Spain, which are chiefly taken from Fischer of some interesting observations on the climate and physical geography of that country, furnished by M. Humboldt; of a descriptive itinerary of its provinces, which fills more than two volumes and a half, and is incredibly tedious, flat and uninteresting, without accuracy or fidelity to recommend it; and, lastly, of dissertations on the population, manufactures, commerce, government, laws, literature and mainers of the country, which form the \wo concluding volumes. Each of these divisions requires that we should make such remarks upon it, as to enable our readers to appreciate the value of Mr Laborde's performance. In his introductory discourse, Mr Laborde follows the opinion if Capmany, that Spain has been at no period fo populous, in trons, commercial and opulent, as as the close of the 1818

century

century. * • It will no doubt,' he says, ' appear strange to affert, that Spain was never more flourishing, better cultivated, or, perhaps, more populous, than at present.'t He acknowledges, in a subsequent part of his book, that the same view of the fub. ject had been taken by Capmany; I and in a note annexed to his Litroduction, he mentions the qüestiones criticas of that author, as a work which had been extremely ufeful to him. But, when it is considered, that he has not only adopted the system of Capmany, but borrowed all the facts and proofs that he brings in support of it, from the works of that acute, learned and accurate historian, we cannot but think, that some more full and explicit acknowledgment was due to one from whom he had taken so · much. As the matter stands in Mr Laborde's book, he assumes, the merit of an original inquirer, and claims the indulgence of his countrymen for combating ideas generally received;' when he is, in fact, the mere copyist and translator of the Spanish historian, whom he only mentions incidentally, as one entertaining the same opinion with himself.

But, whether disposed to do justice to the original merit of Capmany, or inclined to take the credit of his inquiries to hime fell, it was at least to be expected, that, having adopted the system of that author, he would have spared us the repetition of those anile tales and extravagant exaggerations, with which the ordinary books on Spain are usually stuffed. It was not, therefore, without surprise that we found him affirming, in a fubsequent part of his book, that, in the 16th century, Toledo had 200,000 inhabitants, ll and that Seville contained 16,000 filk looms, 130,000 Gilk weavers, and a population of 300,000 fouls. We discovered, to our astonishment, that though Mr Laborde had adopted Capmany's opinion in his Introduction, and in some other parts of his book, he continued, in other parts, to affure us, with the utmost gravity, that the filk manufactures of Spain employed 1,100,000 persons in the 16th century ; ** and to repeat such absurd fables, as that 300,000 Moors quitted Seville, when that city was surrendered to St Ferdinand ; tt that in the kingdom of Granada, at the time of its conquest, there were three millions of inhabitants, 400,000 of whom lived within the walls of Granada ; 1 and that Cordova, under the Caliphs, contained a million, and Tarragona, under the Romans, two millions and a half of inhabitants. fs That Mr Laborde, even before

he

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* See our review of Capmany's book, No. 20, p. 422.
+ Introd. p. 5.
Í Vol. IV. p. 7.

Introd. p. 37 ! Vol. III. p. 295.

9 Vol. II. p. 45 & 55. ** Vol. IV.

tt Vol. II. p. 22. Vol. II. p. 98 & 119.

Vol. IV. p. II.

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he met with Capmany's book, fhould ever have credited such idle fictions, gave us no favourable opinion of his judgment; but that, after embracing the system of Capmany, he should retain and publish these fpecimens of his former labours, could arise only from that mercantile avidity, which had made him hurry on :he publication of his book, in order to catch the market before it was closed.

The inconsistencies and contradictions are infinite, into which this halte to come out with his book has plunged him. He tells us, in one place, that the population of Catalonia, Roussillon and Cerdagne, did not exceed 365,000 fouls, in 1368 ; * and yet he would make us believe, in another part, that only eighty years before that period, the city of Tarragona alone contained 350,000 inhabitants. + Nayarre has at present little more than 220,000 inhabitants ; but Mr Laborde would persuade us, that, in the middle of the 14th century, its population amounted to 800,000 fouls. He states the population of Spain at ten millions in 1688, and at eight millions in 1700; making a diminution of two millions, or of one-fifth of the whole population of the kingdom, in twelve years ; during which the country suff:red neither from peftilence nor from famine. I But his credulity with respect to numbers is without bounds. No affertion ftartles him, if it is brought forward in the shape of figures. He estimates the Jews expelled by Ferdinand and Isabella at 900,000; and reckons that two millions of Moriscoes were compelled to leave their country by the impolitic edicts of Philip III. $ On this iaft fubject, however, he is more excuseable in his errors; for the greatest authors have been equally careless and credulous when they touched upon it. Numbers swell in their hands in a manner almost incredible. Zurita, who lived in the time of Charles V., tells us, on the authority of a contemporary author, that the number of Jews expelled from Spain by Ferdinand and Isabella was 170,000; though some authors, he adds, have magnified their number to 400,000.!! Mariana takes the number of 170,000 from Zurita, but converts it into families ; making the exiles amount to 170,000 families, or 800,000 individuals ; and later authors, improving on Mariana, have changed his 800,000 individuals into 800,000 families; augmenting, by that means, the total number of exiles to near four millions of souls. Exaggeration has not been less busy with the Moriscoes. From public registers it appears, that the Moriscoes expelled from Valencia, Aragon, Andalucia, Granada, Murcia, and Extremadura, did not much exceed 360,000 individuals ;

and

**

* Vol. I. p. 105. + Vol. IV. p. 6. I Vol. IV. p. 27. § Vol. IV.

|| Zurita, Vol. V. p. 9. Mariana, 1. 26. cap. 1. ** Bleda, p. 1041-1060.

p. 18.

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