that in which they stood, as minister and general, of another reign, conducting the alliances against Lewis, and triumphantly prosecuting the deliverance of Europe. In our account of the work, we extracted the passage at full length. The instance we have already mentioned, in which the epithet republican' evaporated in qui respecte la liberté,' is taken from this part of the translation. Then the reflection which immediately follows in the close, and which, for its elevation of sentiment, as well as justness, is so worthy of Mr Fox's mind, is altogether struck out How forcibly must the contemplation of these men, in such opposite situations, teach persons engaged in political life, that a free and popular government is desirable, not only for the public good, but for their own greatness and consideration-for every object of generous ambition!' (p. 94.)—though the omission of this makes the passage, as it stands in the French edition, not only imperfect, but unintelligible; because the useful lesson' to be derived from the consideration in question is left as announced, but not produced.

There is still another omission in this place, which is more indeed than we expected, because it seems to manifest an actual or suspected sensibility upon a topic, on which we should not have supposed there was any compunction. Mr Fox's elaborate period, describing the progress and success of the Duke of Marlborough, in restoring independence to the Continent, is cut short of its most essential member; all these expressions, to humble his pride, and to shake to the foundation that fabric of power which it had been the business of a long life to raise at the expense of every sentiment of tenderness to his subjects, and of justice and good faith to foreign nations!' (p. 94.)-being made to shrink into this lame and evasive conclusion, pour humilier son orgueil, et pour faire trembler sa couronne sur sa tête.' (p. 155.) Under the present circumstances of Europe, it is in some sort consolatory, that the slaves of France may not be trusted with such a description, lest they should make an application of it; and that the manner in which it is applied by the very act of blotting it out, betrays something like a sense of shame, or something like a dread of reverses.

We feel a degree of satisfaction of the same kind, in the next instance we have to mention, which is the omission of greatest length that we detected. The translator has left out the whole of the censure which Mr Fox passes upon Hume, for the manner in which he has palliated the conduct of Charles the Second in the murder of Algernon Sidney; three entire pages in quarto being thus cut out of the work, from the words? condemned

VOL. XV. NO. 29.

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demned to die,' (p. 52.) to the paragraph which begins Thus fell Russel,' &c. (p. 55.) Every body remembers Hume's apology for Charles, as well as the indignation which it has drawn from Mr Fox, and which he has pointed into so important a precept to all historians. It is for this stinging moral, that the whole passage has been sacrificed. A spirit of adulation towards deceased princes, though in a good measure free from the imputa tion of interested meanness, which is justly attached to flattery, when applied to living monarchs; yet, as it is less intelligible with respect to its motives than the other, so is it in its consequences still more pernicious to the general interests of mankind. Fear of censure from contemporaries will seldom have much effect upon men in situations of unlimited authority: they will too often flatter themselves, that the same power which enables them to commit the crime, will secure them from reproach. The dread of posthumous infamy, therefore, being the only restraint, their consciences excepted, upon the passions of such persons, it is la mentable that this last defence (feeble enough at best) should in any degree be impaired; and impaired it must be, if not totally destroyed, when tyrants can hope to find in a man like Hume, no less eminent for the integrity and benevolence of his heart, than for the depth and soundness of his understanding, an apologist for even their foulest murders.' (p. 54.) It would be gratifying to have it proved, that Bonaparte had expunged with his own hand this seeming prediction of what awaits him; and that amid the complacent retrospect of all his triumphs over the liberties and prosperity of mankind, he may sometimes be disquieted by the anticipation of that posthumous infamy, from which even the me. mory of his fortune in war will not rescue his name. In the prophetic ear of conscience, he may hear already the doom of posterity, and even the future curses of inconstant France. He must know too well, for his pride and for his ease, the character of the people whom he has reduced to slavery. He has seen how quickly they can pass from adulation to fierce hatred. And he cannot conceal from himself, that Frenchmen, addicted as they are to military above all other glory, but national beyond all other people, will never forget that he was born a foreigner; and, when the temporary motives for worshipping him have no longer an object, will probably deny him the fame which will be regarded as due to his genius and conduct, even in the countries which he had disturbed or laid waste.

Without pretending to enumerate all the instances, in which Mr Fox's text has been corrupted, we shall set down a few more of those sentences which are altogether omitted, and evidently

for

for the same reasons by which the editor of the translation must have been influenced in those already noticed.

The following part of a sentence concludes the reflections of our historian, upon the instructive lessons which Englishmen are taught, by an attentive consideration of the reign of James the Second: and still more particularly, that it is in vain to think of making a compromise with power, and, by yielding to it in other points, preserving some favourite object, such, for instance, as the church, in James's case, from its grasp.' (p. 110.) The translator stops at the word' object.'

The following observation is omitted, in the account of the Letters of Lawburrows, which, in the same despotic reign, and by a new solecism in government, were executed by the crown against the whole body of the subjects, in one district of Scotland: Such are the sophistries which tyrants deem satisfactory. Thus are they willing even to descend from their loftiness, into the si tuation of subjects or private men, when it is for the purpose of acquiring additional powers of persecution; and thus truly formidable and terrific are they, when they pretend alarm and fear.' (p. 119.)

Mr Fox has ftated, with much philofophical precifion, the foundation and limits of the right of refiftance. It was not to be expected, that the tranflator fhould fuffer that paffage to remain. The fmall portion of it which he ventured to leave in its place, he has completely misunderstood. Mr Fox fays, there is no point in human concerns, wherein the dictates of virtue and worldly prudence are fo identified, as in this great question of refistance, by force, to established government,' (p. 184.); which the translator, wholly mistaking the thought, renders thus-' dans cette queftion plus que dans toute autre, il eft facile de confondre les confidérations purement humaines avec les nobles infpirations de la vertu.' (p. 252.) He has not only miffed Mr Fox's meaning, but has understood him as intimating just the reverse of what he has actually expreffed. The remainder of this most valuable paffage is ftruck out; the tranflator paffing at once from les nobles inspirations de la vertu' to the mention of Ludlow. The doctrine, indeed, is too strong and too plin to be published in France at the prefent day. We have a great fatisfaction in repeating it. Succefs, it has been invidiously remarked, constitutes, in moft inftances, the fole difference between the traitor and the deliverer of his country. A rational probability of fuccefs, it may be truly faid, diftinguishes the well-confidered enterprise of the patriot from the rafh fchemes of the difturber of the public peace. To command fuccefs, is not in the power of man; but to deferve fucress, by choosing a proper time, as well as a proper object,-by

N 2

the

the prudence of his means, no lefs than by the purity of his views, -by a cause not only intrinfically juft, but likely to enfure general fupport,-is the indifpenfable duty of him who engages in an infurrection against an exifting government.' (p. 185.) It is poffible that thoughts and confiderations of this caft may not be abfent from the minds of all men in France. So much evidence of caution left fuch a ftring might be touched, would lead us to suspect that poffibility. And, to borrow the language ufed by Milton upon a like occafion, we might almost take it as a pledge of future liberty to France, that her ruler is fo perfuaded of his danger; and may perhaps cherish the fhadow of a hope, that worthies are now breathing in her air, who will be her leaders to deliverance.

We have not stopt to confider, whether it be more probable that the mode, in which this tranflation has been thus executed, has proceeded from the perfonal prudence of the anonymous tranflator, or may be afcribed to the authoritative interference of that branch of the imperial police which is charged with the care of the prefs. Nor is it very material to inquire. It feems more likely that there may have been a direct interpofition in this inftance, on account of the intereft with which the appearance of the history was expected at Paris,-and indeed the unquestionable danger that might refult from allowing fo much bold truth too free a diffemination among the imperial fubjects. We are only surprised, that a tranflation of the book has been fuffered to be fold at all: for, ftripped and defaced as it is of the general differtations, in which Mr Fox has ftamped the fanction of his immortal name upon the most important truths and precepts for guiding the conduct of public men in periods of arbitrary adminiftration or popular delufion, yet, in the progrefs of the mere narrative, the author's feelings for liberty and for juftice are fo wrought into the body of the compofition, that the impreffion of them could not be erafed without obliterating the very form and likeness of the work. After all the expurgations which it has fuffered, it will not be read in France without effect; and may itself contribute to bring about a time, when it may be ftudied entire, and when the readers fhall be rendered capable of appreciating its merits. In the author's own country, we are of opinion, that those merits will always be rated more or lefs highly, in proportion as the fentiments of liberty, equality, justice and benevolence, predominate over other principles in the character of individuals or in the fpirit of the age.

In general, the tranflation itself is executed with confiderable elegance and fpirit; and though there are a good many mistakes, they are not more than may be pardoned to the writer's imperfect knowledge of English ufages and technical terms. Some, indeed,

would

☛ould not come under the benefit of this amnesty; but we have not time to particularize them. The notice of Mr Fox's life prefixed is difclaimed exprefsly, and indeed in a very marked manner, by the tranflator himself; and is a wretched farrago of all the ftories that could be fcraped together from the inaccurate, ignorant, and falfe accounts that appeared in the newfpapers and in pamphlets after Mr Fox's death, under the pretence of fatisfying the public curiofity. We need give but a fingle fpecimen of this notice, which afferts, that Mr Fox always corrected the reports of his fpeeches for the Morning Poft.

ART. XIV. A Narrative of the Campaign of the British Army in Spain, commanded by his Excellency Lieutenant-General Şir John Moore, K B. &c. &c. &c. Authenticated by Official Papers and Original Letters. By James Moore esq. 4to. pp. 336. Johnson. London, 1809.

A few Remarks explanatory of the Motives which guided the Operations of the British Army during the late short Campaign in Spain. By Brigadier-General Henry Clinton, Adjutant-General to the Army under the command of Lieutenant-General Sir John Moore, K. B. 8vo. pp. 30. Egerton. London, 1809. Observations on the Movements of the British Army in Spain, in Reply to the Statement lately published by Brigadier General Henry Clinton. By a British Officer. 8vo. pp. 44. Murray. London, 1809.

Letters from Portugal and Spain, comprising an Account of the Operations of the Armies under their Excellencies Sir Arthur Wellesley and Sir John Moore, from the landing of the Troops in Mondego Bay to the Battle at Corunna. Illustrated with Engravings by Heath, Fittler, Warren, &c. from Drawings made on the Spot. By Adam Neale, M. D. F. L. S. Member of the Royal College of Physicians, and Physician to his Majesty's Forces. 4to. pp. 480. Phillips. London, 1809.

An Account of the Operations of the British Army, and of the State and Sentiments of the People of Portugal and Spain, during the Campaigns of the Years 1808 & 1809; in a Series of Letters. By the Rev. James Wilmot Ormsby, A. M. Chaplain to the Staff, &c. 2 vol. 8vo. pp. 526. Carpenter. London,

1809.

THE HE great importance of the subject handled in these works, both to the interests and the honour of this country, would have been a sufficient motive for bestowing upon it a greater share