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tinues to Newfoundland, to look after and foster her fisheries, and then takes her departure for the United Kingdoms of England, Ireland and Scotland, nor rests until she reaches the Orknies-the ultima thule of the geography of the ancients. Such an overgrown commercial and Colonial Power as this, never before existed. True, sir, she has an enormous national debt of 700 million of pounds sterling, and a diurnal expenditure of a million of dollars, which, while we are whining about a want of resources, would in six short weeks wipe off the whole public debt of the United States.
Will these mill stones sink her? Will they subject her to the power of France? No, sir; burst the bubble to-morrowdestroy the fragile basis on which her public credit stands, the single word, confidence-spunge her national debt-revolutionize her government-cut the throats of all her royal family... and dreadful as would be the process, she would rise with renovated vigour from the fall, and present to her enemy a more imposing, irresistable front than ever. No, sir, Great Britain cannot be subjugated by France; the genius of her institutions; the genuine, game-cock, bull-dog spirit of her people, will lift her head above the waves long after the dynasty of Bonaparte, the ill-gotten power of France, collected by perfidy, plunder and usurpation, like the unreal image of old, composed of clay, and of iron, and of brass, and of silver, and of gold, shall have crumbled into atoms.
As Great Britain wrongs us I would fight her. Yet I should be worse than a barbarian, did I not rejoice that the sepulchres of our fore-fathers, which are in that country, would remain unsacked, and their coffins rest undisturbed, by the unhallowed rapacity of the Goths and Saracens of modern Europe.
Extract from Mr. JEFFRY'S Speech before the Edinburgh Fox Club.
It is not any part of my purpose to enlarge on the present greatness of America and of her growing importance, or the mighty influence which she is destined hereafter to exercise on the fortunes of the world. To that futurity it is indeed animating to look forward—and to think that there is nothing in the prospect it presents to us that is not bright with the promise of great improvement. But it is rather to her present condition, and to the advantages we have already derived from her, that I wish to call the attention of the meeting; for to my mind, that nation has already done the most essential service to the
cause of freedom-not perhaps so much by the conduct of her people, or by the acts of her government, as by her mere existence-in peace, respect, and prosperity, under institutions more practically popular, and a constitution more purely democratic, than has ever prevailed among civilized men from the beginning of the world-thus affording a splendid illustration, and irrefragable proof, of the possibility of reconciling the utmost extent of freedom with the maintenance of public authority, and the greatest order, and tranquility, and security to private rights, with the most unbounded exercise of political ones. What else, indeed, can furnish so conclusive and triumphant a refutation of the pitiful sophisms and absurd predictions by which the advo cates of existing abuses have at all times endeavoured to create a jealousy and apprehension of reform? You cannot touch the most corrupt and imbecile government without unsettling the principles and unhinging the frame of society-you cannot give the people political rights without encouraging them to be disobedient to lawful authority, and sowing the seeds of continual rebellion and perpetual discontent-nor recognise popular pretensions in any shape, without coming ultimately to the abolition of all distinctions, and the division and destruction of all property-without involving society, in short, in disorders at once frightful and contemptible, and reducing all things to the level of an insecure, an ignoble, and bloody equality.
Such are the reasonings by which we are now to be persuaded that liberty is incompatible with private happiness or national prosperity, and that the despotic governments of the world ought to be maintained, if it were only to protect the people from the consequences of allowing them any controul over the conduct of their rulers! To these sophisms we need not now answer in words, or by reference to past and questionable examples but we put them down at once, and trample them contemptuously to the earth, by a short appeal to the existence and condition of America. Where is the country of the universe, I would now ask, in which property is most sacred, or industry most sure of its reward? Where is the authority of the law most omnipotent? Where are intelligence and wealth most widely diffused and most rapidly progressive ?-Where is society in its general description most peaceable, and orderly, and moral, and contented? Where are popular tumults least known, and the spirit and existence, and almost the name, of a mob, least heard of?
If any more were required to show the superior security, as well as energy and happiness of free government, I must beg
merely to contrast the condition of South America, as it was till very lately, with that of the happy country of which I have been speaking. These southern settlements had the advantage of being earlier established, and followed from the first by the fostering care of the parent state. They were placed in a more fertile soil, and a more propitious climate. But they were governed by non-resident despots, and given over to bigotted priests and courtly favourites, and wanting freedom, all the blessings of nature were turned into curses. Their treasures were exhausted the population withered and shrunk under them-both races were degraded by their mixture—and they became, at least among the governing classes, a degenerated and corrupted mass, which mouldered away, and dissolved in its own rottenness-till it fertilized the soil over which it was scattered, for that rising and glorious harvest of liberty which now covers it with the beauty of its promise! In the North, the lot of our emigrant countrymen was cast in more ungenial regions→→ and their first struggles, either totally neglected, or but coldly supported by their mother country; but carrying with them that innate love of freedom, which I trust will run for ever in the blood of all Britons, they surmounted all difficulties; and even under the colonial, and not always equitable government of England, they made very considerable advances in wealth and civilization; and ever since they have been left to build for themselves on this firm foundation, have so multiplied and increased in the land, and advanced with such miraculous rapidity in wealth, population, industry and power, as not only to put to shame the stationary communities of Europe, but even to make her statists and political economists revise and re-model their systems, to correspond with their unnatural and excessive prosperity,
Such are the services which I conceive America to have rendered to the cause of liberty-and though they are, as I apprehend, truly incalculable in value and amount, it is pleasing to think that they have been rendered, not only without sacrifice or effort on her part, but almost without her consciousness or co-operation. They have flowed like a healing virtue from her existence and her example. She has only had to be free, and peaceful, and happy, and prosperous in her freedom, to put down the disgusting sophistry of the hireling advocates of pow er, and to give the strongest encouragement to all the nations of the earth to emulate her happiness and peace, by imitating her freedom!
Address of Mr. CLAY to General LA FAYETTE.
GENERAL The House of Representatives of the United States, impelled alike by its own feelings, and by those of the whole American people, could not have assigned to me a more gratifying duty than that of presenting to you cordial congratulations upon the occasion of your recent arrival in the United States, in compliance with the wishes of Congress, and of assuring you of the very high satisfaction which your presence affords on this early theatre of your glory and renown. Although but few of the members who compose this body shared with you in the war of our revolution, all have, from impartial history, or from faithful tradition, a knowledge of the perils, the sufferings, and the sacrifices which you voluntarily encountered, and the signal services, in America and in Europe, which you performed for an infant, a distant, and an alien people; and all feel and own the very great extent of the obligations under which you have placed our country. But the relations in which you have ever stood to the United States, interesting and important as they have been, do not constitute the only motive of the respect and admiration which the House of Representatives entertain for you. Your consistency of character, your uniform devotion to regular liberty, in all the vicissitudes of a long and arduous life, also command its admiration. During all the recent convulsions of Europe, amidst, as after the dispersion of, every political storm, the people of the United States have beheld you, true to your old principles, firm and erect, cheering and animating with your well known voice, the votaries of liberty, its faithful and fearless champion, ready to shed the last drop of that blood which here you so freely and nobly spilt, in the same holy cause.
The vain wish has been sometimes indulged, that Providence would allow the patriot, after death, to return to his country, and to contemplate the intermediate changes which had taken place to view the forests felled, the cities built, the mountains levelled, the canals cut, the highways constructed, the progress of the arts, the advancement of learning, and increase of population. General, your present visit to the United States is a realization of the consoling object of that wish. You are in the midst of posterity. Every where, you must have been struck with the great changes, physical and moral, which have occurred since you left us. Even this very city, bearing a venerated name, alike endeared to you and to us, has since emerged from the forest which then covered its site. In one respect you behold us unaltered, and that is in the senti
ment of continued devotion to liberty, and of ardent affection and profound gratitude to your departed friend, the father of his country, and to you, and to your illustrious associates in the field and in the cabinet, for the multiplied blessings which surround us, and for the very privilege of addressing you, which I now exercise. This sentiment, now fondly cherished by more than ten millions of people, will be transmitted, with unabated vigor, down the tide of time, through the countles millions who are destined to inhabit this continent, to the latest posterity.
Address of Mr. Secretary BARBOUR, to the Officers and Cadets at West Point,
Cadets. Being about to separate from you it was my wish to have taken of you individually, an affectionate farewell.That being inconvenient, I requested that you might be assembled. I will avail myself of the opportunity the occasion presents to give utterance to the feelings my visit has inspired.
It is with the highest pleasure that I declare, in the presence of this assembly, that my satisfaction is unmixed: I had prepared myself to see much that would be gratifying, but I can in sober truth, declare that the reality has exceeded my expectations. I have felt only one regret, and that is the necessity, from the paramount claims on my time, to depart before witnessing the examination of all the classes. But, from what I have seen, I am quite sure that the examination of every day would have added to my satisfaction.
Cadets-In your deportment and attainments, I see with unspeakable delight, the most satisfactory evidence of your industry, talents and moral worth.
Officers of the institution: in the fine traits which the examination has presented, I am satisfied with the zeal and fidelity with which you have discharged your solemn trusts. Where all have done their duty, it were invidious to discriminate, and I shall not attempt it: yet I must say, Cadets, that Col. Thayer, your chief superintendent, is entitled to your gratitude, and, I will add, to the thanks of his country. Children! for so I esteem you, since circumstances have placed you under my peculiar care, I feel for you as a parent; and I value it as one of the most fortunate incidents of my life, that we have been associated in this intimate relation. Be assured, I take a deep interest in whatever concerns you, and that, as far as my power reaches, it will be exercised for your welfare.