parts, and very beneficial and commodious to this kingdom and nation; the commons now affembled in parliament do, for the better advancement of those plantations, and the encouragement of the planters to proceed in their undertaking, ordain, that all merchandizing goods, that by any perfon or perfons what ever, merchant or other, fhall be exported out of this kingdom of England into New-England, to be spent, used or employed there; or being of the growth of that kingdom, shall be from thence imported hither, or shall be laden or put on board any fhip or veffel for neceffaries in paffing to and fro; and all and every the owner or owners thereof fhall be freed and discharged of and from paying and yielding any cuftom, fubfidy, taxation, or other duty for the fame, either inward or outward, either in this kingdom or New-England, or in any port, &c.' '

From the account which Mr. Hutchinson has given of the Indians, they appear to be as low and deteftable as any people ever were, if we except the negroes of Africa.

The principle or perfuafion, fays he, that all things might be in common, might caufe hofpitality, where the like was expected in return, without any great degree of virtue. Some appearances there were of compaffion, gratitude, and friendship, and of grief at the death or diftrefs of their children or near relations. Some degree of these social affections are infeparable from human nature. Vices they had many. They were false, malicious, and revengeful. The leaft injury rouzed in them a deadly hatred, which could never be allayed.

They were infinitely cruel to their enemies, cutting and mangling their bodies, and then broiling them alive upon hot embers, and inflicting the most exquifite torments they could invent. They were not known to feed upon the flesh of their enemies after the English came among them. The men were lazy and idle, never employing themselves about any other bufiness than what was of abfolute neceffity for their support, and fuch as the women were not capable of. More dirty, foul, and fordid than fwine, being never so clean and sweet as when they were well greafed 3.'

But, to shade the deformity of this character, they are faid to have' fhewed courtesy to the English on their first arrival, were hofpitable, and made fuch as could eat their food welcome to it, and readily inftructed them in planting and cultivating the Indian corn'; and fome of the English who lost themselves

in the woods, and muft otherwife have perifhed by famine, they relieved and conducted home 4.'

Their ftate feeins to have been a ftate of nature, indeed; but that of the most abominable and brutal kind, from which they are too inflexible in their tempers to be ever recalled.

It may not, at this juncture particularly, be unacceptable to our readers, to fee the declaration of rights made in 1661, by the general court of this province, held at Boston.

1. Concerning our liberties-We conceive the patent (under God) to be the first and main foundation of our civil polity here, by a governor and company, according as is therein expreffed. 2. The governor and company are, by patent, a body politique, in fact and in name. 3. This body politique is vefted with a power to make freemen, &c. 4. Thefe freemen have power to chufe annually a governor, deputy-governor, affiftants, and their felect reprefentatives or deputies. 5. This government hath alfo power to fet up all forts of officers, as well fuperior as inferior, and point out their power and places. 6. The governor, deputy-governor, and fele&t reprefentatives and deputies, have full power and authority, both legislative and executive, for the government of all the people here, whether inhabitants or ftrangers, both concerning ecclefiaftical and civil, without appeals, excepting law or laws repugnant to the laws of England. 7. This government is privileged by all fitting means (yea, if need be) by force of arms, to defend themfelves both by land and fea, against all fuch perfon or perfons as fhall at any time attempt or enterprize the destruction, invafion, detriment, or annoyance of the plantation, or its inhabitants therein, befides other privileges mentioned in the patent, not here expreffed, &c. 8. We conceive any impofition prejudicial to the country, contrary to any just law of ours (not repugnant to the laws of England) to be an infringement of our rights.

6.

II. Concerning our duty of allegiance to our fovereign lord the king: 1. We ought to uphold, and to our power maintain this place, as of right belonging to our fovereign lord the king, as holden of his majesty's manor of Eaft-Greenwich, and not to fubject the fame to any foreign prince or potentates whatsoever. 2. We ought to endeavour to preferve his Majefty's royal perfon, realms and dominions; and, fo far as lieth in us, to dif cover and prevent all plots and confpiracies against the fame. 3. We ought to feek the peace and profperity of our king and nation, by a faithful difcharge in the governing of this people

*p 468.

com

committed to our care: First, by punishing all fuch crimes (being breaches of the first and second table) as are committed against the peace of our fovereign lord the king, his royal crowni and dignity. Secondly, in propagating the gospel, defending and upholding the true Chriftian religion, according to the faith given by our Lord Chrift in his word; our dread fovereign, being tiled defender of the faith, &c. The premiffes being confidered, it may well ftand with the loyalty and obedience of such subjects as are thus privileged by their rightful fovereign (for himfelf, his heirs and fucceffors for ever) as caufe fhall require, to plead with their prince against all such as shall at any time endeavour the violation of their privileges. A conviction of thefe rights being unalienable, led this government to prefer an addrefs to king Charles the Second, who from the mifreprefentations of fome enemies to the colony, had established four commiflioners with abfolute dominion over them, in direct violation of their charters.

This addrefs, after having premif.d at large the foundation of their rights, and the falfity of what had been charged upon them, clofes with the following remarkably pathetic fupplication:

Sir, The all-knowing God knows our greatest ambition is to live a poor and quiet life, in a corner of the world, without offence to God or man. We came not into this wildernefs to feek great things to ourselves; and if any come after us to feek them here, they will be disappointed. We keep ourfelves within our line, and meddle not with matters abroad; a juft dependance upon, and subjection to your majefty, according to our charter, it is far from our hearts to difacknowledge. We fo highly prize your favourable aspect (though at this great diftance) as we would gladly do any thing that is within our power to purchase the continuance of it. We were willing to testify our affection to your majesty's fervice, by answering the propofal of your honourable commiffioners, of which we doubt not but they have already given your majesty an account. We are carefully ftudious of all due fubjection to your majesty, and that not only for wrath, but for conscience fake; and should Divine Providence ever offer an opportunity wherein we might, in any righteous way, according to our poor and mean capacity, teftify our dutiful affection to your majesty, we hope we fhould moft gladly embrace it. But it is a great unhappiness

5 P. 529.

to be reduced to fo hard a cafe, as to have no other teftimony of our subjection and loyalty offered us but this, viz. to destroy our own being, which nature teacheth us to preserve, or to yield up our liberties, which are far dearer to us than our lives, and which, had we had any fears of being deprived of, we had never wandered from our fathers houses into thefe ends of the earth, nor laid our labours and estates therein, befides engaging in a moft hazardous and difficult war, with the most warlike of the natives, to our great charge, and the lofs of fome of the lives of our dear friends. Neither can the deepest invention of man find out a more certain way of confiftence, than to obtain a royal donation from fo great a prince, under his great feal, which is the greatest fecurity that may be had in human affairs.

Royal Sir, it is in your power to fay of your poor people in New-England, they fhall not die. If we have found favour in the fight of our king, let our life be given us at our petition, or rather that which is dearer than life, that we have ventured our lives, and willingly paffed through many deaths to obtain, and our all, at our request. Let our government live, our patent live, our magiftrates live, our laws and liberties live, our religious enjoyments live; fo fhall we all yet have further caufe to fay from our hearts, Let the king live for ever. And the bleffing of them that were ready to perifh fhall come upon your majefty, having delivered the poor that cried, and fuch as had none to help them. It was an honour to one of your royal anceftors, that he was called the poor man's king. It was Job's excellency that he fat as king among his people, when he was a father to the poor. They are a poor people (deftitute of outward favour, wealth and power) who now cry unto their lord the king. May your Majefty please to regard their cause, and maintain their right: it will ftand among the marks of lafting honour to after-generations; and we and ours shall have lasting cause to rejoice, that we have been numbered among your majefty's most humble fervants and fuppliants 3.'

For a further knowledge of this colony, its foundation, progrefs, government, religion, and rights, we must refer our readers to the book before us, which we can fafely recommend as worthy their perufal.

3 P. 542.

V. The Divine Legation of Mofes demonßrated. In nine Books, The fourth Edition, corrected and enlarged. By William, Lord Bishop of Gloucefter. In V. Vols. 800. Pr. 17. 10. Millar. [Continued.]

I

N a former Number *, we gave our readers a fummary view of the first volume of the Divine Legation; we come now to the fecond, which is employed in proving the minor propofition of the two fyllogifms; the firft, that the "Jewish religion and fociety had no future ftate for their support:" the other, that "Mofes, an ancient lawgiver, and learned in all the wisdom of Egypt, purposely instituted fuch a religion;" in order to which the third general propofition was to be enforced, that "the doctrine of a future ftate of rewards and punishments is not to be found in, nor did make part of the Mofaic difpenfation." But in proving the minor, a method fomewhat different from that obferved in proving the major propofitions was to be followed. Thefe, in the firit volume, were proved cely, and in order. But here, as the author obferves, the minor propofitions are enforced all the way together. And this difference, he thinks, arises from the reason of the thing; the facts, he fays, brought to prove the doctrine to be omitted, do, at the fame time, accidentally fhew that the omiffion was defigned and the reafons brought to prove the ufes in a defigned omiffion, neceffarily fhew that the doctrine was omitted. The conclufion of the firft volume, which detected the abfurdity and fallity of the atheistic principle, that "religion was an invention of politicians, and a creature of the ftate," gives our author an occafion to enquire, whether its true original was not as well from revelation as from natural reafon.

In the introduction therefore to the fecond volume, he endeavours to fhew that the univerfal pretence to revelation proves Jome revelation must be true; that this true revelation must have fome characteristic marks to diftinguish it from the false, and that thefe marks are to be found in the institutions of Moses.

But this was only by way of introduction, and to lead the reader more easily into the main road of the author's enquiry; by fhewing that he purfued no defperate adventure while he endeavoured to deduce the divinity of Mofes's law from the circumftances of the law itself.

His lordship then continues the recapitulation of his argument in the following manner :

* See Crit. Rev. for Nov. 1765.