penalty of being left behind in the race for success. Government supervision is needed quite as much in the interest of the big shipper and of the railroad man who wants to do right as in the interest of the small shipper and the consumer."

President Samuel Spencer, of the Southern Railway, interprets President Roosevelt's speech at Raleigh as indicating that he is not disposed now to insist that the power over rates which he favors should be exercised by the Interstate Commerce Commission, but by "an administrative body." Again, in the Raleigh speech, says Mr. Spencer, the president advocates that the administrative body shall have power after complaint and hearing to fix only a "maximum rate," not an absolute rate, unalterable thereafter by the carrier, as provided for in the Esch-Townsend bill. This apparently follows the opinion of the Attorney General of May 5, in which it was held that Congress could constitutionally empower a commission to fix "maximum rates" which it regards as just and reasonable. "The difference between these two positions is vital," says Mr. Spencer. "To fix absolute rates, unalterable by the carrier, in many cases is to determine definitely and arbitrarily, by governmental tribunal, the relative advantages of competing cities or regions. To prescribe maximum rates only leaves the carrier free to make reductions, and may, and generally will, result in adjustments which will bring down whole tiers of rates, leaving the relation of rates as they were and entailing enormous losses to the railways."

The speech at Raleigh indicates also that the President favors giving to the railroads more leeway than he formerly suggested, by not having the rate take effect immediately, but in some reasonable time. A reasonable time for a rate may mean time for a review of it by judicial, and not administrative, authority, if the rights of property are found to be involved. The Esch-Townsend bill, as passed by the House of Representatives, last winter, would not only have subjected the roads to punishment before judicial conviction, but the character of

judicial review proposed was such that they would not have had the benefit of equitable trial, even after conviction, for the courts would have been precluded from considering the reasonableness of the rate complained of, and the rate ordered by the commission would have been set aside only if it had been found to be confiscatory. It is important, therefore, if legislation is to be enacted that will insure to the roads a "square deal," that the opportunity for a prompt and effective review of the whole case by the courts should be provided for.

The general public has only a remote idea of the far-reaching intricacies involved in railroad rates, and of the almost infinite and tireless efforts that have been put forth in getting rates on as substantial a foundation as they now are. Prof. Hugo R. Meyer put the question of reasonableness of rates in the following brief and forceful words: "American railway rates are the result of arbitration and warfare; they have been heated and forged and welded and pounded and hammered into their present shape, and they are about as nearly right as practical people can make them." We do not contend even now that the general public has become very much more acquainted with the science of rate-making than when the Esch-Townsend bill was up before the House, but we do think that as many of the public who have had a mind to could have gained very much information on the subject, and they have been given to understand in no uncertain way that there is a very large difference between rate-making, and rate-regulation; and that some of the confusion has been dispelled which recognized little or no difference between rates, rebates, discriminations and special favors.

It seems pretty well established, also, that the railroads are not always responsible for disorganized and unstable rates. It has been very conclusively shown that the large shippers are the greatest factor in disorganizing rates; that the rates generally in force in the United States are lower than any other country in the world; that the price on practically all the articles which enter

into the use of a majority of the people, is not affected by railroad rates to any appreciable degree-rates charged for railway transportation are so low that they cannot be considered in fixing re

tail prices. Even if the articles were carried free, the cost to the consumer would not be reduced, since the saving would be absorbed by the jobber and retailer.

The Industrial (?) Workers (?) of the World (?) threw off the thin mask recently, in the state convention of the Massachusetts branch of the American Federation of Labor. It's about time. Brother Goldstein put the poniard under the fifth rib and they had to come out in the open and face the music. It takes mighty little scratching on the hide of an Industrial Worker of the World to show socialism written all over him. We have a whole lot of respect for a straight out avowed soialist but mighty little for these harpies who go about trying to hide their wolfish intentions under sheep's wool. The following Goldstein resolution peels the sheep's wool off all right, and it was adopted 71 to 28:

"Whereas, the American Federation of Labor, now entering upon its 25th year of work, has by its principles and policy gained for itself a place of usefulness and of honor within the body politic.

"Whereas, trade union principles are those universally recognized as the basis of economic and civil society, namely, the right of private property in capital, the right of buying and selling potential labor, the right of free association, the right of personal protection under the law.

"Whereas, the primary object of the trade union is to maintain and to advance the standards of American living, to maintain and to advance the wageearner's position relative to the economic and political progress of our nation.

"Whereas, our experience-as an organization founded upon the general lines of trade autonomy-has demonstrated our tactics, high dues, collective bargaining, trade labels, trade agreements, adjustment of trade differences by

conciliation and arbitration, and as a last resort the boycott and strike, to be effective in the progressive attainment of the end we have in view; and also to be sound by having won for unionism a place of well deserved importance in American institutions.

"Whereas, the American Federation of Labor has for many years been harassed and is now under the assault of men holding to opposite principles, and employing contrary tactics, whose aim it is to convert unionists to socialism, that the economic power of our organization and the political power of our members may form an adjunct to socialist propaganda, and an accession to socialist party strength.

"Whereas, the principles of socialism are intellectually unsound, impractical from an economic standpoint and demoralizing to the general well being of society.

"Therefore, be it resolved, That we, the Massachusetts branch of the American Federation of Labor, in convention assembled at Pittsfield, October the 9th, 1905, do hereby denounce as detrimental to our progress, as destructive to our good fame, as disruptive of those personal and civic virtues, which it is our duty to cultivate, any attitude of sympathy toward socialist propaganda within our ranks.

"Be it further resolved, That we recognize as the most despicable attack yet made upon the life of our national body, that organization launched in Chicago, July, 1905, known as the Industrial Workers of the World; headed by men of international reputation, namely, Eugene V. Debs, late presidential candidate of the socialist party; Daniel De Leon, editor of the People, official organ of the socialist labor party; A. M. Simons, editor

of the International Socialist Review; exPriest Thomas J. Haggerty, Messrs. Haywood and Moyer, president and secretary respectively, of the Western Federation of Miners, and many other socialists of national reputation.

"Be it finally resolved, That we condemn in toto this organization, and that we resist by all lawful means its encroachment upon our rightful territory, the labor world of the United States."

So far as we have seen this is the first peep the Industrial Socialists of the World have made since their Chicago flim-flam

in July last, but we presume, now that the easterners had to come out in the open, that the bulky western contingent will shortly call a convention in which Moyer, Haywood et al will do some stunts and throw some conniption fits that will make that Massachusetts contingent of the I. S. of the W. feel like a four-year-old hanging bird's nest with all the twigs gone-we don't imagine they will invite friend Goldstein to address the convention either. We have a large amount of good advice always on tap for the worthy needy.

In the first part of this issue we have given quite a good deal of space to the subject of child labor. These articles are from widely different localities, and a perusual of them will give one a very close insight into the evil wherever it exists in this country. Law after law has been enacted by the different states and the experiences of those entrusted with the execution of these laws show that practically identical difficulties have been encountered. Perhaps a very general feeling is abroad in the land that most of the fault has been with the employers of this kind of labor; the employers have as a general thing lived up to the letter of the law and the parents and guardians have more often done the evading. If the parents and guardians make oath that a child is twelve of fourteen for instance when it is under ten, and a certificate is furnished the employer to that effect, there is of course a possibility or even a probability that the employer knows in his mind the truth has not been told, but probably in the large majority of cases he thinks nothing about it. Yes, but some one will say, this is the exception! If anybody will take the time to go into any large establishment where many children are employed they will very soon come to the conclusion that it is the rule rather than the exception.

The fact of the matter is there has

been all along a woeful lack of understanding on part of the law makers of the conditions and the needs and extent of a law which would reach them. Most states began by enacting laws and providing no way by which they could be put into operation. From these crude first laws many of the states now have laws which are entirely adequate to cope with the trouble so far as it relates to restrictions as to age-that is to say, restrictions as to employment of children under certain ages in certain occupations are probably ample, but the trouble back of that is a deeper one, for what humanity is there in saying what a child shall not do and leaving the question of what it shall do entirely alone? In many instances the working of the laws as they are now simply throws the child out of some occupation and onto the street-into enforced idleness. In all conscience it would seem now as if the laws against child labor should be reinforced by compulsory school laws, and until they are so reinforced no state will measure up to the full requirements of its duty and obligation to coming generations.

We are just in receipt of the annual report of the Commissioner of Labor for the state of Minnesota, from which we clip the following:

"What we need in this state is a better understanding of the intentions of the

child labor law; more uniformity in its enforcement and a better coöperation of the different official bodies charged with the execution of the act."

What can be done to secure better results and furnish the means of showing without any doubt the true extent of child labor in our state? This is a fit subject for consideration by all persons interested in the welfare of our state and the education of our children. Educational laws and child labor laws are intimately related.

The compulsory education laws of the State of Minnesota now form part of Chapter 14 of the Revised Laws of 1905.

Section 1 of Chapter 226, General Laws of 1899, having been amended by an act of the legislative session of 1905, the law now reads as follows:

SECTION 1. Every parent, guardian or other person who resides in any school district or city, and who has control of any child or children of or between the ages of eight and eighteen years, shall send such child or children to a public, parochial or private school in each year during the entire time the public schools of such district or city are in session. Provided, however, that such child or children may be excused from such attendance for the whole or any part of such period by the school board or board of education of the school district or city in which such parent, guardian or person having control resides, upon its being shown to the satisfaction of such board

(1) That such parent, guardian or other person having control is not able by reason of poverty to clothe such child properly; or (2) that such child's bodily or mental condition is such as to prevent his attendance at school or application to study for the period required; or (3) that such child is taught at home in such branches of study as are usually taught in public schools, subject to the same examination as other pupils of such district or city; or (4) that such child has already acquired the ordinary branches required by law; or (5) that such child is actually engaged in some useful occupation, employment or service permitted by law.

SECTION 171. PENALTY.-Any person who shall fail or refuse to send to or keep in school any child of whom he has legal charge or control, and who is required by law to attend school, when notified by the truant officer so to do, and any person who induces or attempts to induce any such child unlawfully to absent himself from school, or who knowingly harbors or employs, while school is in session, any child unlawfully absent from school, shall be guilty of a misdemeanor and shall be punished by a fine not to exceed $50.00 or by imprisonment in the county jail for not more than thirty days. All such fines, when collected, shall be paid into the county treasury for the benefit of the school district in which such offense is committed.

Some one has cynically said that optimism is the faith of fools. The Buddhists, as did the Rabbins, taught that all stages of life are painful; that individuality involves suffering; that the evil in life outweighs the good; better the end of a thing than the beginning thereof. The higher and more personal an organism, whether physical or psychical, the more numerous become its opportunities for pain, and the more acute its sensitiveness. "In much wisdom is much grief; she that increaseth knowl

crite, or by a condition at some place or places in the industrial center or centers of the country, which are notoriously bad. That is to say, they pick out places for the conditions in which no mitigating excuses can be offered. Neither the industrial, the economic, the political or religious status of this or any other country should be judged by anything but the general, over-all, look of conditions.

In proclaiming oneself an optimist, we are aware that extremely hard conditions constantly arise to test one's faith and contention in that directiondepths of human depravity, both active and passive, continually come up, which seem almost to confirm a contention of total depravity; then, also, come glorious sights from the actualities of life, and show us the superlative side of man's love of and for humanity. These realities, we believe, sink deeper and are more far-reaching than their antitheses; and while some may deprecate and fail to follow the bright examples in industrial betterment which are continually being put into operation, nevertheless, like the "still, small voice," their influence and force will not be downed, but, like the waves coming in on a rockbound shore, they continually beat and disintegrate all manner of opposition. These give us hope in, and justification for, our optimism. The following letter from Mr. W. H. Tolman, director of American Institute of Social Service, should revive and stimulate hope in all who read it, and in all who know of the existing conditions:—

"I am sorry that you cannot spend Sunday with me, so that you could dine with me here, as it is my purpose and pleasure to dine with my workmen every Sunday," said Valere Mabille, in showing us over the Workmen's Home and Club, where there are some 125 workmen in residence. "My friends in Brussels know that they cannot count on me Sundays, for that is one day which I devote to my workmen," he continued, as I asked him about his industrial betterment work.

Among the most notable personages at the Liege Exposition was the genial and

benevolent M. Mabille, one of Belgium's greatest industrialists. Conscious of his power, but ever ready to use it in behalf of his less favored fellows, he is always seeking the best methods of social and industrial betterment. Early in the management of his business (iron and steel construction) M. Mabille turned his thoughts to various plans for improving the condition of his workmen. His first efforts, in 1879, were in the direction of education, better housing, and the creation of societies for mutual aid. To-day his works of amelioration include clubs for men, women and youth, singing societies, athletic organizations, dramatics, a people's secretary, library, a communal home for workmen, schools, a bank, and mutual benefit societies.

Looking into the social conditions of his workmen, he soon learned that they were paying high prices for foodstuffs, often of an inferior quality. Because of this fact they were not able to withstand successfully attacks of illness, which impaired their wage-earning capacity. Then, too, he realized that with advancing years, the older men would be unable to render a full working day. These, then, were the two great problems which he set himself to solve, namely, the provision of foodstuffs, and pensions for old age, invalidity and accidents.

To-day he is solving the problem of pure foodstuffs by a most ingenious plan, which, working automatically, forms the basis of a system of pensions enjoyed at the present time by upwards of 800 workmen; in other words, the more food a workman buys, the greater the pension he enjoys. Ordinarily, a workman imbued with the desire for thrift, often denies himself the necessities of life, in order to effect a saving which he may enjoy in old age; at Mariemont, on the contrary, Mabille's workmen are encouraged to enjoy the necessities of life, well knowing that by so doing their proportion of the quarterly profits will be increased, as well as their old-age pension.

BON GRAIN.

The "Bon Grain," as M. Mabille calls this social part of his plan, is a bakery, and was organized in July, 1891. In