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their employes for joining the militia and absenting themselves from business to attend to their sworn duties to the State.

Further investigation would show that many labor organizations have repudiated all spirit of antagonism to military service. For instance, the International Typographical Union voted down an anti-militia resolution by an overwhelming majority.

The rousing demonstration of patriotic enthusiasm that followed the

Yes, a member of the State militia can be seated in a trade council. In fact, the matter is so obvious that it ought not to be open for discussion at all.

A man who is a wage-earner and honorably working at his trade or calling to support himself and those dependent upon him has not only the right to become a citizen soldier, but that right must be unquestioned.

“The militia-i. e., the citizen soldiery of the several States in our country

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speech of the chairman of the execu- supplies what otherwise might take its tive committee, a printer from Georgia, place—a large standing army. in closing the argument against the “The difference between the citizen resolution, would have excited, I an soldiery of the United States and the sure, the approval of the most severe large standing armies of many European critic of organized labor.

countries is the difference between a Still higher authority was the reply republic and monarchy—it is the made by Samuel Gompers, president difference between the conceptions of of the American Federation of Labor, liberty and tyranny." to a member who asked if a union man The critics of labor-unions rarely omit could be a consistent member of the the regulation statement that organized State militia:

labor includes only a small minority of


the wage-earners of the country. The estimate generally quoted to give force to the claim that it is “monstrous tyranny for the small minority to dictate to the great majority of workers the wages, hours, and conditions of their toil” is that labor organizations contain only from eight to twelve per cent, of all wage - earners. But if union containing ninety - five per cent. of the skilled workers in its craft demands better conditions it is no answer to say that the farm-hands or the washerwomen are not organized.

The comparison most frequently made

in trade and transportation. But among these are bankers, brokers, merchants, officia s of banks and corporations; bookkeepers, commercial travelers, agents, accountants, foremen and overseers, hucksters and pedlers, livery-stable keepers, undertakers, and miscellaneous workers, who are also unorganizable, and should be excluded from the comparison

It is repeatedly asserted that there is no community of purpose between the union and the non-union The fact is that shorter hours, higher wages, and improved conditions are just



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credits organized labor with a membership of about 2,400,000, which is only eight per cent, of the more than 29,000,000 persons engaged in gainful occupations in the United States in 1900. But an analysis of the gainful occupations shows the fallacy of the comparison. These 29,000,000 include: in agriculture, 10,000,000; domestic and personal service, 6,000,000; the professions, 1,200,000. Practically all of these are organizable and should be excluded from the comparison Included also in the 29,000,000 are 'the 4,700,000 engaged

as much desired by the non-union work

as by the unionists. Occasional brutal combats do not impugn this broad truth.

When the 6,000 union strikers went out at Fall River a few weeks ago they took with them 24,000 non-unionists, and the two are standing shoulder to shoulder, the families of the non-union workers being supported from the treasury of the union to the best of its ability. When John Mitchell called out his 8,000 members at the time of the anthracite-coal strike in 1900. the 140,


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