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sonal kindness, their insistance upon the right to join in our progress, can not be disregarded. The burdens and sorrows of men have unexpectedly become intelligent and urgent to this nation, and it is only by accepting them with some magnanimity that we can develop the larger sense of justice which is becoming world-wide and is lying in ambush, as it were, to manifest itself in governmental relations. Men of all nations are determining upon the abolition of degrading poverty, disease, and intellectual weakness with their resulting industrial inefficiency. This manifests itself in labor legislation, in England, in the Imperial Sick and Old-Age Insurance Acts of Germany, in the enormous system of public education in the United States.

CONTEMPORANEOUS PATRIOTISM.

To be afraid of it is to lose what we have. A government has always re

ceived feeble support from its constituents as soon as its demands appeared childish or remote. Citizens inevitably neglect or abandon civic duty when it no longer embodies their genuine desires. It is useless to hypnotize ourselves by unreal talk of colonial ideals and patriotic duty toward immigrants as if it were a question of passing a set of resolutions. The nation must be saved by its lovers, by the patriots who possess adequate and contemporaneous knowledge. knowledge. A commingling of racial habits and national characteristics in the end must rest upon the voluntary balance and concord of many forces.

We may with justice demand from the scholar the philosophic statement, the reconstruction and reorganization of the knowledge which he possesses, only if we agree to make it over into healthy and direct expressions of free living.

THE THREE CONSPICUOUS FOES OF ORGANIZED

LABOR.

The Tasks of Unionism are to Convert "Parryism," to Resist Socialism and to Correct its Own Inherent Weaknesses.

BY RALPH M. EASLEY.

Organized labor is triply beset. It is assailed by its two outward foes, "Parryism" and Socialism, and is at the same time endangered by its own inherent weaknesses. It is the purpose of this article to analyze the methods of each of these outward foes and to examine the inward weaknesses of trade unionism which must be corrected if it is to survive, assault from without. All society must be interested in these three perils, if in truth the movement represented by organized labor is in the interest of civilization. That is the truth that organized labor must incessantly demonstrate, for therein lies its right to live. Unless

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There are organizations of capital that seek and find the establishment of honorable business relations with corresponding organizations of labor. These are composed of employers on the one side who represent the greatest investments of capital in the United States in the basic industries, such as mining and the manufacture of iron and steel and fabrics, in the metal trade and in transportation by rail and ship, and of unions on the other side, in which the great mass of organized wageearners is enrolled. While there are sometimes serious conflicts in these industries, the ultimate purpose of their organizations is to bring about and encourage peace through negotiation. This characteristic is only emphasized by the fact that some of these organizations

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organized labor that inspires this class of employers' associations and "citizens' alliances." These have not been formed to negotiate with labor, since they aim to destroy all organizations of labor with which negotiation is possible. It is conceivable that these societies may appeal to employers whose experience has been restricted to the arrogance, excess and brutalities of some particular union or labor leader and who feel a a natural impulse of hatred and revenge

through its literature. It is a peculiar literature. Its characteristics are adroitly disguised misstatements, studied persistence in associating unionism with crime, socialism and anarchy, and above all, constant pretense of friendship to organized labor, while advocating every conceivable plan for its disruption and disbandment. This literature, while professing friendship, is in reality the propagranda of war. It extends one hand to labor in pretended amity,

and with the other would stab it in the back.

The bulk of this literature is addressed to employers, but it is designed also to deceive all of the so-called non-producing classes, and to convey to a miscellaneous audience the impression that organized labor is a foe to republican institutions and that it must be destroyed if constitutional government is to be preserved. This literature is in the form of periodicals, newspaper reports of speeches, reports of employers' associations in pamphlet form, and inflammatory circulars. Even fiction is to be employed as an agent of excitement; for a new periodical has appeared which announces that it is "conducted under the personal guidance of David M. Parry, President of the Citizens' Industrial Association of America," and "devoted to the interests of free and independent labor; opposed to organized lawlessness, Socialism and Anarchy." A prominent feature is a serial by Parry, entitled "The Scarlet Empire." This serial essays to treat of the relations between capital and labor "as they might become.' lurid title suggests a red-handed reign of terror, when the "brutal tyrant,' organized labor, shall have overthrown the public and shall wave its sceptre over a wholesale massacre of capitalists, lighted by a universal conflagration of property.

Its

"Parryism" voices incessantly the cry, "Organize." Its one perception is that of the power of well-disciplined combination. Its aim is to organize the employers of the country as a class. Its entire spirit and purpose are to inflame a class warfare. Since the class spirit is un-American, its literature is un-American.

It is both singular and lamentable that this noxious growth of appeal to selfishness and hatred should spring up at the very time when the tradeunions are growing more and more conservative. The persistent preaching of all those union labor leaders who have appreciable influence is against violence and in favor of obedience to the law.

All of them oppose strikes, except as a last resort; all of them discountenance violence whenever a strike does occur; all of them advocate the establishment of industrial peace through conciliation, conference and trade agreements. But those employers' associations whose officers and organs oppose this policy aim to reduce the individual wage-earner to the lowest standard of living that can be forced upon him when he shall be deprived of the benefit of collective bargaining. They would conquer the peace of an industrial Warsaw. Despotic power can not long maintain peace. The enforcement of such a relation between capital and labor could only be followed by an outbreak of abnormal virulence.

The literature of "Parryism" runs the gamut from extravagant, outright denunciation to sly insinuation.

An example of the bold, open style of assault upon organized labor is that employed by John Kirby, Jr., an officer of the Citizens' Industrial Association of America. This is a sample of the Kirby manner:

"No organization of men, not excepting the Ku Klux Klan, the Mafia, or the Black Hand societies, has ever produced such a record of barbarism as has this so-called organized labor society which, through misdirected sympathy, apathy and indifference has been permitted to grow up to cripple our industries, and trample in the dust the natural and constitutional rights of our citizens."

The following is another example of the extravagant language of Mr. Kirby.

"The labor leaders are trying to force upon the American people a universal system of slavery even more degrading and more damnable than that to which the Negro was subjected."’

It is to prevent this weird and impossible culmination that this violent pleader would have all employers organize to make war upon what he calls a Turbulent body of hoboes and aliens who must not be permitted to turn America into a Bedlam.

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President Parry of the same organi

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