miring the grace of God apparent in him. In the following extracts, let our readers observe, first, his characteristic intrepidity on great occasions, when even his warmest friends began to shrink from the unequal conflict. What a noble boldness and constancy in his address to Melancthon! 'Where you please,' he replied; 'at Mantua, at Padua, at Florence, or any where else.' Vergerio asked, was he willing it should be at BoTogna? He inquired to whom that city then belonged; and on being told, 'To the pope,' Gracious Heaven,' he exclaimed, 'has the pope seized that place too?-Well, I will come "I hate these cares with which you are con- even thither.' The nuncio, in a courtier-like sumed. is not the greatness of our cause, manner, said something of the pope's visiting but the greatness of our unbelief that occasions Wittemberg. Let him come,' said Luther, them. The cause was more arduous in the 'we shall be glad to see him.' 'But,' said Vertimes of Hues, and many others. And, how- gerio, would you have him come with an ever great it may be, its Author and Conductor army, or unattended?' As he pleases,' replied is great: for it is not our's. If we are wrong, Luther; we shall be ready for him either way.' let us recant: but, if right, why do we make The nuncio then inquired whether the minishim a liar in his promises, who has bid us be of ters in Saxony were consecrated. Luther rea composed and cheerful mind. It is your phi-plied, Certainly; as the pope will not conselosophy, not your theology, that disquiets you crate them for us, here sits a bishop' (pointing and your friend Joachim (Camerarius), who to Pomeranus) 'whom we have consecrated.' seems to suffer with you under the same dis-Much more conversation,' says the author of ease...... What worse can the devil do to us, the narrative, 'passed between them, in which than kill us?.... As to the cause itself, (whether Luther fully explained his views, with the utit be insensibility or courage, I leave it to Christ most freedom, and even, where the case reto judge,) I feel little disquiet about it: nay Iquired, with sharpness of remark.' On taking have better hopes of it than I expected to entertain. If we are not worthy to support it, others will be. If the danger increases, I shall scarcely be restrained from flying to you, that I may behold the formidable display of satan's teeth." pp. 70, 71. Again, in his conference with Vergerio the popish agent, what ease, and yet dignity, what skill and courage are apparent; not without some traits of that natural humour which sometimes we know betrayed him into imprudencies of expression. "Vergerio came to Wittemberg on the evening of November 6, 1535, with a splendid retinue, and was conducted to the castle with all due honour by the provincial governor. The next morning Luther sent for his barber at an early hour, and told him he was summoned to attend the nuncio of his holiness the pope, and he would by no means go in dishabille; for he wished to look young, that his enemies might think he had a long time yet to live. He then put on his best suit, and a golden ornament (a present from the elector) about his neck, and remarked, when his attendant expressed some surprise, This is the way in which we must deal with these foxes and serpents.' Then getting into a chariot which had been sent for him from the castle, accompanied by Bugenhagius, he said, 'Here go the pope of Germany and cardinal Pomeranus!' Being introduced, he conversed with the nuncio, among other things, on the subject of the council. He said, it was not seriously proposed; the pope did but play with them; and, if it were held, it would busy itself only about trifles, such as tonsures and vestments, and not upon faith, and justification, and bringing Christians to the unity of the Spirit and of doctrine; for this would not suit their purpose. He added, that he and his friends felt such assurance of what they believed, as not to need the determination of a council, though others might do it, who groaned under the oppression of men who did not themselves know what they believed. But,' said he, call your council; God willing, I will attend it, though I should be burned by it.' Vergerio asked where he would have it held. leave, Vergerio said, 'See that you be ready for the council.' 'I will come,' replied Luther, with my life in my hand.'" pp. 207–210. Once more, when the lamentable enthusiasm of the Anabaptists at Munster and the fanaticism of the false prophets seemed to threaten the whole Reformation with confusion; when Melancthon, the court of Saxony, the elector and the university were incapable of determining how to act; with what intuition did Luther seize the true bearings of the question, and how quickly did his calm but authoritative decisions restore the infant churches to peace and security! The accounts principally fall within the period preceding that embraced by this volume; but a brief note from Mr. Scott gives a lively and characteristic impression of Luther's most decisive view of the case. "Luther's observation upon this 'ill-contrived farce at Munster' was, that it was 'the work of some raw, unpractised devil,' and that they had great reason to be thankful that ‘a devil of greater parts and knowledge-one that understood law and divinity,' was not let forth against them. He contended, however, that the way to preserve or reclaim men from such delusions was, to enlighten their minds by the word of God, and not to withhold that word from them, as some would have done. Sleid. 199, 200,” p. 184. So when a reform was pretended to be instituted by the Court of Rome herself, and a report of evils to be remedied was made, the discernment and boldness of Luther at once exposed the hollowness of the design to the just aversion of mankind-and that by a single stroke. We do not, however, profess ourselves admirers of such pictorial satires; or of any thing unnecessarily galling to an opponent. These weapons belong rather to the community of the world, than to that warfare which is not carnal, and whose arms are faith and prayer, and love, and forbearance. "In Luther's book a man need only look on the cut in the frontispiece, to understand his argument; for the pope is represented sitting upon a high throne, and several of the cardinals about him, who, with foxes' tails tied at the end of poles, are busily employed in brushing away the cobwebs all around."-p. 200. But to turn to another feature in the character of Luther, let the tenderness of his heart, and the depth of his piety, be estimated by such a letter as the following. "To Cordatus, on the death of his son. "Grace and peace to you in Christ. May he comfort you, my dear Cordatus, under your present affliction! for who else can assuage your grief? I can easily enter into all you write, for I know the heart of a father, and that an event of this kind pierces it more keenly than a two-edged sword. But you should think it no wonder, if He, who is more truly and properly his father, than you are, chose, rather, from the love he bore him, to have your child, nay let me say his child, with himself, than with you. He is more safe there than he could be here. But I am sensible that it is in vain to urge these considerations, under the anguish of a recent stroke. I will allow you then for the present to grieve: greater and better men than we have done it, and been blameless.No doubt it will be beneficial for you to have undergone a trial of this kind also, and to have felt the workings of conscience under it, that you may experimentally know the power of the word and of faith, which is discovered in such circumstances.-Salute the partner of your sorrows. Still let your joy in a living Saviour surpass your grief for a deceased son -or rather a son still living, though withdrawn from you. My wife and all our family desire to be remembered to you. 2 April, 1530."p. 559. The surprising influence which the reformer acquired over the minds of his friends may appear less wonderful, and yet the powerful effect of his letter to Myconius when apparently on the point of death, must be allowed to be quite extraordinary-though perhaps not much more so than the holy love to the Saviour, and the ardent desires after heaven which the letter breathes. one more, in order to present our readers with the closing scene of his life. The account is from an eye-witness, Justus Jonas, first rector of the university at Wittemberg, and afterwards superintendant at Halle, and was committed to writing within an hour after the death which it records. ، "On that day, February 17, 1546, his friends, perceiving more repose to be desirable for him, persuaded him to keep quiet in his study; which he did, frequently walking up and down, in an undress, but conversing with animation. From time to time,' says Justus Jonas, he would stop, and looking out at the window, in that attitude (as his custom was) address fervent prayers to God, so that I and Cœlius, who were in the room with him, could not but perceive it: and then he would say, 'I was born and baptized here at Eisleben; what if I should remain or even die here?" Another of his friends, Razeberg, the elector's physician, has preserved one of the prayers, as it would seem, which he thus offered while walking up and down his study. It is in the following termsprincipally referring to the religious interests of his native country: O Lord God, heavenly Father, I call upon thee in the name of thy most dearly beloved Son Jesus Christ, imploring that, according to thy promise, and for the glory of thy name, thou wouldst graciously hear the prayers which I offer up unto thee, beseeching thee that, as thou hast of thy mercy and boundless goodness, discovered to me the great apostasy and blindness of the pope before the day of thy last advent, which is at hand, and is to succeed that diffusion of the light of the Gospel which now dawns upon the world; so thou wouldest graciously preserve the church of my beloved country in the acknowledgment of the truth, and the unwavering confession of thy uncorrupted word without failing, even to the end; that the whole world may know that thou hast sent me for this very purpose. Even so, O most blessed Lord God! Amen and amen!'" "I beg and implore of the Lord Jesus, "Before supper he had complained of a pain who is our life, our health, and our salva- in the chest to which he was subject. It was, tion, that he would not permit such an ad- however, relieved by warm applications. Afdition to be made to what I suffer, as that I ter supper it returned; but he would not have should see you or any of my comrades break medical aid called in, but about nine o'clock lay through the veil and enter into rest, leaving down on a couch and fell asleep. He awoke as me here behind in the midst of demons. I the clock struck ten, and desired that those pray the Lord to make me sick instead of you, about him would retire to rest. When led into and to suffer me to lay down the tabernacle his chamber he said, 'I go to rest with God;" of an exhausted and useless body, which has and repeated the words of the Psalm, 'Into thy done its work.' And again, at the close of his hands I commend my spirit, &c.:' and, stretchletter; Farewell, my dear Frederick; may ing out his hand to bid all good night, he added, the Lord never permit me to hear of your taking Pray for the cause of God.' He then went your passage, while I remain behind; but may to bed: but about one o'clock he awoke Jonas you be the survivor. So I ask, and such is my and another who slept in the room with him, will, and let my will be done. Amen!-I say desired that a fire might be made in his study, this because my will is directed to the glory of and exclaimed, 'Oh God! how ill I am! I suf God, and not to my own pleasure.-Again fare- fer dreadful oppression in my chest: I shall well! we pray for you from our inmost souls, certainly die at Eisleben!'-He then removed and are greatly afflicted at your illness.'-My- into his study without requiring assistance, conius recovered, and survived Luther, which and again repeating, Into thy hands I comhe attributed to Luther's prayers. He said the mend my spirit! He walked backwards and effect of Luther's letter was such, that in read- forwards, and desired to have warm clothes ing it he seemed to hear the voice of Christ brought him. In the mean time his physicians saying, Lazarus, come forth!"-pp. 335, 336. were sent for, as also count Albert, who preNumerous as these citations on the charac-sently came with his countess. All Luther's ter of Luther have been, we must add to them friends and his sons were now collected about him: medicines were given him, and he seemed somewhat relieved; and having lain down on a couch he fell into a perspiration. This gave encouragement to some present: but he said, 'It is a cold sweat, the forerunner of death: I shall yield up my spirit.' He then began to pray, nearly in these words: 'O eternal and merciful God, my heavenly Father, Father of our Lord Jesus Christ, and God of all consolation! I thank thee that thou hast revealed to me thy Son Jesus Christ; in whom I have believed, whom I have preached, whom I have confessed, whom I love and worship as my dear Saviour and Redeemer, whom the pope and the multitude of the ungodly do persecute, revile, and blaspheme. I beseech thee, my Lord Jesus Christ, receive my soul! O heavenly Father, though I be snatched out of this life, though I must now lay down this body, yet know I assuredly that I shall dwell with thee for ever, and that none can pluck me out of thy hands!'-He then thrice again repeated the words Into thy hands I commend my spirit! Thou hast redeemed me, O Lord God of truth! Also those words, God so loved the world, that he gave his only-begotten Son, that whosoever believeth in him should not perish, but have everlasting life:' and that verse of the sixty-eighth Psalm, Our God is the God of whom cometh salvation: God is the Lord by whom we escape death.' He then became silent, and his powers began to fail him: but, when several present addressed him, Reverend father, you die in the constant confession of Christ and his doctrine, which you have preached?' he distinctly answered, 'Yes,' and spoke no more; but, about a quarter of an hour afterwards, between two and three o'clock in the morning, with his hands clasped together, and without a finger or a feature being disturbed, gently breathed his last."-pp. 474-477. On such a narrative we make not one word of comment: it speaks for itself. We proceed to a fourth topic, illustrating these historical records: the moderation and wisdom, united with zeal, which appeared in the conduct of the Reformation. The boldness indeed, and courage displayed by the reformers under difficulties of the most formidable kind, and in a cause infinitely momentous, have been noticed, and can scarcely be too highly commended: had a less measure of unbending fortitude been exhibited, the interests of the Gospel might have been crushed almost as soon as they were known. But we now proceed to advert to what is not less remarkable, the moderation and prudence which for the most part governed the conduct of the Reformation-a prudence which scarcely ever failed in the seasons of delicacy and perplexity. Luther, the chief leader for the first thirty years, was ardent, bold, uncompromising, hazardous. especially in the first declaration of his opinion on any case of flagrant injustice or oppression; but when he came to settle a doctrine, or to reason in an argumentative treatise, or to act in the practical detail of affairs, there appeared in him a holy wisdom and deliberation which have seldom been exceeded. Perhaps no man was ever farther from enthusiasm. The other reformers were of the same temper. Some of them, especially Melancthon, rather leaned too much to the cautious, retiring side. But all seemed to have that native good sense, connected with a tender conscience and habits of practical wisdom, which gave them great caution in conduct and a consummate prudence in the settlement of the most critical affairs. We cannot afford quotations on this topic generally: indeed some parts of it do not so well admit of illustration, by passages which must of necessity be brief: we rather refer our readers, after a careful perusal of this interesting volume, to their own recollections; and confidently ask them, whether in the question about the Protestant preachers during the diet of Augsburg (p. 15), in the distinction admitted between the voluntary presence of the elector at a superstitious procession, and his official attendance on the emperor at mass, as marshal of the empire (p. 12), or on the delicate point relating to the jurisdiction of the popish bishops (p. 56), or the yet more difficult question respecting the lawfulness of resistance to the emperor if he should use unjust force (pp. 96, 104), any want of due moderation appeared in the decisions of the reformers? So again, as to the limits of the pastoral authority (p. 155), as to the inexpediency of joining their cause with that of Henry of England (p. 186), as to addressing persons in elevated stations in the church with their accustomed titles of honour (p. 232), as to concessions on less vital matters (p. 281), as to the appointment to the bishoprick of Naumberg (p. 308), the doctrine of absolution (p. 324), the plan of Reformation which they were required to draw up (p. 429), and even the elevation of the elements in the eucharist (p. 512), we can scarcely imagine to ourselves a course of conduct more wise and prudent. The same remark may be extended to their decisions as to doctrine, with the exception of the sacramentarian controversy, to which we shall hereafter refer. Here we are inclined to give an illustration of two or three topics. The first, contained in two passages, will relate to the moderation of Luther, on the doctrine of the law of God as a rule of life; which, if he had not taken large views of Scripture, he might have been betrayed, as others have been, to underrate, considering the ardour with which he reiterated the doctrine of justification by faith only. The second will exhibit his reserve on the mysterious question of the Divine predestination, which, in modern times, has sometimes been treated with much dogmatism, and even levity. The third will show similar noderation exhibited by Ecolampadius, in his reply to the inquiries of the Waldenses, on the various difficulties submitted to his decision. "In the conflicts of conscience nothing else ought to be known or thought of, than Christ alone, and the law should be placed out of sight; but, apart from these conflicts and the topic of justification, we ought, with Paul, to speak reverently of the law, to extol it with the highest praises, and to call it holy, just, good, spiritual, divine." "Even the moral law loses its power so far as this, that it cannot condemn those who believe in Christ, and are thus delivered from the curse of the law. Yet the Decalogue remains in force, and belongs to Christians, that they may obey it. For the righteousness which the Jaw requires is fulfilled by believers, through the grace and assistance of the Holy Spirit which they receive. Hence all the exhortations of the prophets, and likewise of Christ and his apostles, to piety and holiness, are so many excellent expositions of the Ten Commandments." p. 240. These passages, strong as they are, yield in force as well as simplicity to the following, which is about one of the most humble and edi. fying testimonies of love to the law of God, and submission to his word which we ever read. And it was written, be it remembered, more than thirty years after Luther had devoted himself to the study of theology. "I am a professed divine, who, amidst various dangers, have attained some moderate experience and skill in the sacred Scriptures: but this does not prevent my having daily recourse to the Catechism, the Creed, the Decalogue, and the Lord's prayer. I rehearse them to myself with a close consideration of every word,—what truth it really conveys. And when a multiplicity of business, or any other cause, prevents my doing this, I sensibly feel the want of it. The word of God is given us thus to exercise and quicken our minds, which without such a practice contract rust as it were, and lose their tone. We see into what snares men continually fall: and what else is the reason of it, but that they are secure, they do not pray, they do not hear and meditate on the Divine word; they are content with having it in the book, where they may read it when they please. Hence satan imperceptibly instils into their hearts a contempt for the word; and this leaves them exposed to despair, or other great dangers. For with what shall a man defend himself against the enemies of his soul, when he has lost the sword of the Spirit?" p. 325. On predestination and final perseverance, Luther thus writes: "In this and similar sentences, the mercy of God is offered generally to all.. here we ought to rest; and believe, since God sends us his word, that we are among the predestinated: and then, on the ground of this promise, to call upon him, and be assured (in so doing) of | the salvation which he thus expressly promises.' -With respect to perseverance, Luther, Bugenhagius, and Melancthon jointly assign their reasons, in the year 1536, for disapproving, and dissuading the publication of a book written by a Thuringian divine, because he had 'treated dangerously on predestination, and affirmed that the Holy Spirit was not lost by the elect, even if they fell into manifest crimes.' They assert that they had always unanimously taught the contrary in all the churches; namely, that if any saint and believer knowingly and wilfully offended, he was no longer a saint, but had cast away true faith and the Holy Spirit; though God would receive him again if he repented. They add, (what will meet the concurrence of all sober-minded persons.) that we are not commanded to inquire whether we are elect, but to believe that he who perseveres to the end in repentance and faith is elect and saved."" p. 241. The following was the advice of Ecolampadius to the churches of the Vaudois when they sent deputies to propose to him a variety of questions. "Concerning the mode of instructing the people, it is not for us to prescribe. Only let those things be taught which conduce to faith and love, and let them be adorned by humility and endurance of the cross. Let things unrevealed (apocrypha, secret things) be avoided, with contentious and curious questions, which gender pride, and strife, and hatred. Let the one object be, to set forth the glory of Christ, to produce a holy life, and to banish vice, hypocrisy, and spiritual pride, the source of heresies, and of perdition to numbers." "All that doctrine which magnifies the grace of Christ we willingly embrace. Free will, as far as it derogates from grace, we do not approve. Yet we do not by this introduce a necessity of sinning: for they who sin do it voluntarily, and of their own accord. Original sin has its own proper province (suam rationem). Our virtue is not the greater because of many commands being delivered to us but great is the power of the spirit, by which we perform the will of God; great also our backwardness, on account of which we are adjudged unwor thy. There is such a thing as fate, or necessi ty, (fati ratio) with God, which is immutable, though all things appear to you uncertain. But you are not called to attend to the secret things of God, but to his word, which we ought to believe, and by which we shall (then) be saved. -We cannot deny predestination: and that it cannot fail is most certain but what then? is God unjust is he untrue? Let us humble ourselves before his Majesty, which abases the proud, while his mercy encourages the contrite in heart, who seek help from him alone, and not from the flesh and their own will; that in all things the praise may be God's.-What have we to do with the contentions of Erasmus and Luther?-Our perdition is from ourselves; our salvation only from the Lord our God." pp. 147-149. It is of great importance, in forming a right judgment on the spirit of the Reformation, to recollect these and similar instances of prudence in conduct and moderation in opinion and doctrine. The Reformation was not effected by heat, extravagance, over-statement, enthusiasm, mere novelty, or the exaggeration of minute points, or a spirit of party. If the ardour and intrepidity of the great divines of that period had spent themselves chiefly on these things, or had been materially tarnished by them, the incipient reform would have perished in its birth, as the folly at Munster did. It was the unparalleled boldness and courage of the reformers, sustained by the plain, undoubted truth of the doctrines they taught, relieved, in the manner of propagation, by gentleness of carriage and the meekness of wisdom and forbearance, which convinced men of the purity of their intentions, and disarmed the force of the misrepresentations and calumnies of their opponents. Holy moderation, united with forti. tude and patience in suffering, elevated the cause above the most bitter opposition, and gradually identified it in the mind of every conscientious and enlightened judge, with the interests of truth and piety. Even on the ques tion of toleration many of the reformers, especially Luther, were not uninformed. This topic leads us to another. The wisdom of the reformed leaders was much aided by the influence of the personal piety of the princes of Europe, and especially of the electors of Saxony. One cannot lay down this volume with out admiration at the mercy of God toward many of the princes who had the greatest sway in Germany and other parts of Christendom. The piety and wisdom of John of Saxony was most remarkable, and seems to have gradually strengthened as he advanced in life and in the study of the Scriptures. He threw protection around, not merely the person of Luther at the diet of Augsburg, but all the Protestant divines, and the Gospel itself, as it were, by his calm, cautious, discreet, and yet immoveably firm conduct in that critical juncture. The whole force of the irritated and crafty opposition of the papal powers was directed against him. Threats and promises were by turns employed. His very life was endangered. But he stood unshaken, and never swerved for a moment from what he conscientiously judged to be his duty. We cannot here refrain from giving the following illustrations of his charac ter. "He took such delight in the Holy Scriptures, that he would frequently have them read to him, by youths of noble families, as much as six bours in the day; an exercise which, with such an example before their eyes, must have tended as much to the benefit of his youthful readers as to his own. He was accustomed also to take down the sermons which he heard with the greatest accuracy.... His deadness to the world also was very admirable. When he was informed of the rebellion of the rustics, which led to so afflictive a war in Germany, he said, If it be the will of God that I should continue a prince, as I have hitherto been, his will be done; but, if otherwise, I can descend to a lower station: fewer horses and a humbler equipage will serve me very well.'"-p. 127. We wonder not, that Luther, in his nervous manner, should say of such a prince, "With him probity expired, as with his brother Frederick wisdom had done." It is observable that, in more than one instance, the princes saw further, and acted with more vigour, than the reformed divines them selves. The reader will easily agree with us in this, on recollecting their conduct as to the preaching at Augsburg (p. 15.) and as to the pacification of Nuremberg (p. 112). Their judgment also of Luther's character, and deference to his experience, are fine traits of their humility and piety. : "The elector and the landgrave both scrupulously abstained from checking him in what he thought proper to write and publish so high an opinion did they entertain of his wisdom, and of the effect of his writings. Even when king Ferdinand, having read his book 'against the Pope,' published this year, observed, that, if the language were but softened, it was not in other respects to be found fault with;' the elector replied, Dr. Martin is a man of a singular spirit, which suffers not itself to be restrained in these matters. No doubt he has weighty reasons for this strong language. He is stirred up in an extraordinary manner against the Papacy, to overthrow it, not to amend it-for that is impossible. Mild language therefore would be out of place.' When the offensiveness of a picture prefixed to the book was further represented, the elector still replied, that Luther's spirit was extraordinary, and he had further views in the particular means he employed, than all could penetrate; on which account neither his (the elector's) father, John, nor his uncle Frederick would at all prescribe to him; nor would he himself presume to do it.'" pp. 521, 522. An expression of Pontanus, the elector's chancellor, is too appropriate to be passed over. "Then,' he says there will be need for Luther to seize the great axe and lay about him manfully. For that sort of work, he has, by the gift and grace of God, a spirit superior to that of other men.'"-p. 433. Neither ought the noble spirit of John Frederick, in 1540, to be unnoticed. "No one,' said he, would more gladly see peace established in Germany than I should do; but I would not for the sake of it yield any thing contrary to the will of God and the dictates of my own conscience; and he, I trust, will keep me free from all such sin. Peace established on those terms would be a judgment from God, and would prove the occasion of irreconcileable discord.' He reprobated the counsels of those who 'put religion and outward peace on the same footing; whereas, when the two came in competition, the latter ought always to give way to the former.' He looked with great jealousy upon a sort of middle party which he thought had risen up among the Protestants, and in which he reckoned the elector of Brandenburg; and he feared much more, he said, the caresses of Ratisbon than the seve rity of Augsburg. He would have his representatives, therefore, adhere to the very terms, as well as to the sense of the confession, and reject all ambiguous language which might be twisted to opposite meanings.' He declares that, even if Luther himself should give way, which he trusted would never be the case, it should not be with his concurrence."" p. 290. But not merely the electors of Saxony, but many other princes also throughout Germany, as well as in Denmark and Sweden, were raised up with extraordinary piety and courage, at this critical moment. We should gladly extract the history of the venerable Herman count de Wied, archbishop of Cologne and elector of the empire; but it is too long for citation, and would not well bear abridgment. But the eminent Christian excellencies of the prince of Anhalt must not be entirely concealed, though at the risk of weakening the effect by extracts. He was born in 1507. The guardians of his youth were devoted supporters of the papal superstition. The account of him proceeds in this manner :— "With good conscience,' he declares, 'he could say with St. Paul, that from his early youth he had felt an ardent zeal for the law of his fathers; for the ceremonies, the customs, and the doctrines in which he had been brought up. Against those principles, therefore, which were opposed to them, and tended, as he conceived, to subvert every good institution, and to intro |