ment. It was willing to accept co-operation from other parties, even the Conservatives. The history of 1905 was the best historical and practical proof of the use of such co-operation. He wished for an open, frank and vigorous co-operation with the Conservatives. M. Knudsen's proposal, he said, was a distinct vote of no confidence in the Government. Professor Stang, the Conservative leader, expressed his satisfaction at the manly and courageous statement of the Premier. The debate was ended on March 13; M. Gunnar Knudsen's proposal was lost by 70 votes to 53, and that of the Socialists by 113 votes to 10. There being an aggregate majority against the Government, M. Lövland the following day handed in the Ministry's resignation.

M. Gunnar Knudsen had some trouble in forming a new Ministry, and it was not until March 18th that he could submit his list to the King, who accepted it. The new Government comprised M. Gunnar Knudsen, Consul-General Christophersen, M. Carl Seip, M. Heftye, M. Ihlen, M. Castberg, M. Abrahamsen and M. Foosnös. The new Ministry was more Radical even than several of M. Knudsen's followers had expected or desired, and comprised pronounced supporters of the "Maal" and of teetotalism as well as opponents of the Monarchy. The leading Conservative paper denounced the new Government as the gamblers from 1905, M. Michelsen's daily opponents. Two of the retiring Ministers resumed their former offices, the rest were appointed to fresh posts.

The new Government decided that they would not ask for a vote of confidence from the Storthing, but M. Knudsen, the Premier, on March 25, stated that the Government would advance the measures contained in the programme of the Left. The feeling of the Storthing towards the new Government was demonstrated a few days later, when the leader of the Independent Left was elected President in lieu of the new Premier, and M. Berge, one of the retiring Ministers, was elected VicePresident with 60 votes, the Ministerial candidate only receiving 46.

The Constitutional Committee on April 1 proposed the adoption of an alteration in the Constitution, providing that the King confer orders, though not on Norwegian citizens; whether Norwegian citizens may accept foreign orders was to be decided by a special law. The Storthing, however, on July 20, negatived the proposals in question.

The new Government was from the outset in an awkward and undignified position. On April 6, M. Liljedahl, on behalf of the Independent Left, read a statement denouncing the overthrow of the late Government by a coalition of two heterogeneous parties, which neither could nor would co-operate and neither of which could singly form a majority. Another member of the party proposed at a subsequent sitting that the Storthing should pronounce in favour of the Government remaining for the present, which, however, was not to be accepted

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as a vote of confidence; this the Government accepted, causing much division.

On April 10 M. Heftye resigned the Ministry of National Defence and Lieutenant-Colonel Lowzon was appointed his

successor.

The Military Committee of the Storthing the same day handed in its Army reform scheme, recommending twelve-year classes in the Line and eight-year classes in the Militia. This somewhat increased the burden of the conscription. A third formation, the Landstorm, was to comprise all men capable of carrying arms between eighteen and fifty years who had not served in the Line.

On April 11 the Storthing unanimously accepted the agreement with Sweden about referring the settlement of part of the marine boundary to arbitration (p. 365).

On May 5 a Royal decree was issued placing the "Maal" (the more rural or specially Norwegian form of the language) on the same footing as the official or what may be called the universal and academic Norwegian language in written examinations at the university.

The Government on the same date withdrew its predecessor's proposal relative to the acquisition of waterfalls (p. 366), to some portions of which it took objection. Later in the month the Budget Committee proposed that a measure relating to the taxation of foreign mining companies should be forwarded to the Government, and that the question should be fully investigated in the succeeding session.

The State visit of King Edward VII. and Queen Alexandra (April 29-May 2) tended to strengthen the bonds of friendship between Great Britain and Norway. The capital was brilliantly decorated, and the popular welcome enthusiastic. Norway, like her neighbours, profited by the signature of the Baltic and North Sea Agreements (p. 319), and the visit was a fresh pledge of the continuance of European peace.

On June 11 Professor Stang put a question to M. Castberg, the Home Secretary, with reference to his ruling that the Sheriff should not take steps against a Labourers' Union carrying a banner with the inscription "Down with the Throne, the Altar and the Plutocracy," although he had been asked to do so by other labourers. Professor Stang missed his point by omitting to propose a resolution, and nothing came of his action.

A few days later, June 16, a question was put to the Government by a Socialist member with reference to a book by Colonel Stang about the fortification of the Glommen line, to which the Minister of Defence, Lieutenant-Colonel Lowzon, had written a preface. The latter manfully stood by what he had written, but the Premier did not show off to advantage; the Government subsequently decided to side with M. Lowzon.

On June 30 the Premier was questioned about a speech he had made at a dinner given by Admiral Lord Charles Beresford

on board H.M.S. King Edward VII., in which he had stated that Norway in case of complications would depend upon the English nation. M. Knudsen's reply was somewhat weak and evasive, but it was accepted in order to avoid an undesirable discussion; the questioner, however, expressed the hope that in the future no Norwegian statesman would speak upon foreign politics without having duly considered his words.

The Radicalism of the Government was also manifested by the proposal of the Constitutional Committee to do away with the clause added to the Constitution in 1905 to the effect that if the Royal family becomes extinct the Storthing shall elect a new Royal family.

On June 27 the Storthing passed a law imposing a due of 25 öre (31d.) per ton register for vessels leaving a Norwegian port with ore. On July 9 it passed the much-discussed Dovre Railway Bill by 64 votes to 58.

Towards the end of the session the Army scheme came up for discussion (Aug. 6), the Premier insisting upon the matter standing over to the next Storthing, and making the postponement a Cabinet question, whilst the Military Committee insisted upon a decision as to the actual basis. A compromise was eventually arrived at, based upon concessions from both sides; this was generally considered a fresh humiliation for the Government.

In November the Conservative party leaders held a meeting and defined the party programme. The party sought support from all friends of a Liberal policy; it would maintain a Government vested in the nation and was prepared to defend property, private initiative and personal liberty. For the attainment of these ends attention is drawn to the maintenance of a Parliamentary system with fixed remuneration to the members of the Storthing. The question of a referendum should be taken into consideration, as also the question of old age and disablement pensions for the whole nation.

CHAPTER V.

ASIA (SOUTHERN).

I. PERSIA AND ARABIA.

BAD as the condition of Persia was in 1907, it became worse in 1908. The reconciliation between the Shah and the Mejliss, so ostentatiously announced towards the end of December, 1907, was but a hollow truce, and plots and counterplots continued throughout the first half of 1908 without either side attempting any decisive action. In February, whilst the Shah was driving in Teheran, two bombs were thrown under his motor-car, killing two persons and wounding five, but the Shah was unhurt, and the Mejliss duly waited on him with their congratulations. The Cabinet resigned on April 5, but at the request of

the Mejliss Nizam-es-Sultanah was re-appointed; he resigned again on May 16, and finally a new Cabinet was appointed under Mushir-es-Sultanah. Early in June matters came to a crisis. The Mejliss, declaring that reactionary courtiers were advising the Shah to overthrow the Constitution, demanded their dismissal. The Shah yielded, but temporarily left the capital, which became a scene of riot and anarchy. The House of Assembly was bombarded by the Shah's troops and almost destroyed. The Mejliss appointed Commissioners to negotiate, and the Shah replied with a manifesto dissolving the Mejliss and appointed officials to restore order, or in other words to establish martial law in Teheran, without consulting his Cabinet. He, however, repeatedly declared his intention of maintaining the Constitution, and ordering the election of a new Mejliss as soon as possible. This intention had not been carried out before the end of the year. The Shah, whilst repeatedly declaring his fidelity to the Constitution, proposed to establish a Council of forty persons selected by himself instead of an elected Mejliss. It was stated in the Press that this proposal was regarded as unsatisfactory, not only by the Nationalists but also by the representatives of England and Russia, who were putting pressure on the Shah to induce him to order the election of a Mejliss (p. 324) as the only means of restoring peace and order. The Shah's position is undoubtedly a difficult one; he may be weak and vacillating, and reluctant to part with any part of his personal power, but he probably sees clearly that to hand over his power to a Mejliss would not be for the ultimate good of his country. The first Mejliss, whose opening was hailed with so much enthusiasm, had ended in complete failure some time before it was dissolved by the Shah. It effected, or attempted, no real reforms; its members became the mere tools of the Anjumans, or political clubs, whose sole object was their own aggrandisement. A Constitutional or representative form of government cannot be satisfactorily worked unless there is a sound electoral body and able and honest men ready to come forward for election.

In the provinces the state of things was even worse than in the capital. There was a collision with Russian troops in April on the frontier of Transcaucasia (p. 323); and on April 23 news reached Teheran that the Kurds round Urumiah had pillaged thirty-six villages, killing some 2,000 of their inhabitants and had cut off communications with Tabriz, where a civil war broke out between the two factions calling themselves Nationalists and Royalists. In September the city was in the hands of the Nationalists, and it was still so at the close of the year. From time to time there were reports of engagements and victories on either side, but they were contradicted almost as soon as they appeared. The latest news was that the Shah's commanderin-chief had at length collected a considerable force, and was on the point of attacking the city.

On September 1 the railway from Damascus to Medina, some 750 miles, which had been constructed as a religious work by Turkish soldiers and paid for by subscriptions from Mohammedans in all parts of the Turkish Empire, was opened with great ceremony. The northern branch of the line, which has been made as far as Aleppo, will be continued to Tel Habesh, where it will link up with the Anatolian and Baghdad Railway. It will also be pushed on to Mecca, a distance of 150 miles, and eventually a branch line will be constructed thence to the port of Jeddah. The line may possibly be extended also to the south to Yemen, which would greatly strengthen the power of the Sultan in Arabia.

II. BALUCHISTAN.

The trade returns for the Nushki-Seistan route, which had shown a decline during the year ending with March, 1907, improved greatly during the ensuing year, the total being 231 lakhs, or an increase of 86 per cent.

Sanction was received for the construction of a solid granite dam across the Hanna Valley, six miles north-east of Quetta and at 1,000 feet elevation, so as to form a lake for irrigation purposes. The work is expected to take three years to complete, at an annual expenditure of from five to eight lakhs of rupees.

To check the illicit transport of arms into Afghanistan the British garrison at Robat was considerably strengthened, but the troops were not to act outside British territory. The Persian posts on their own frontier were also strengthened, but their efforts to check the traffic were quite ineffectual. A caravan of 200 loaded camels and 100 Afghans came into conflict with them towards the end of May, but escaped over a difficult pass under cover of the darkness. Later, another caravan of 2,700 camels and 750 men captured two officers of the Persian Infantry who tried to stop them, and passed into Afghanistan without further molestation.

In the Khelat State serious trouble was threatened by the refusal of the Mengals, a tribe some 50,000 strong, to accept the chief appointed by the Khan. A force of 300 infantry, 2 guns and a squadron of cavalry was sent from Quetta on August 3, and was further strengthened on September 3. On October 1, the tribesmen submitted without fighting and swore allegiance to the new Sirdar, Hadji Ibrahim Khan.

III. AFGHANISTAN.

No event of importance occurred in Afghanistan during 1908, nor was the Amir's reply to the communication informing him of the Convention between England and Russia so far as it related to Afghanistan made known. His attitude during the Zakka Khel and Mohmand expeditions was much criticised at