concluded, and announced to the House of Commons, when a most violent attack took place, directed fellow-citizens, in having the distinguished honour to be the first to stand in your Majesty's royal presence in a diplomatic character; and I shall esteem myself the happiest of men if I can be instrumental in recommending my country more and more to your Majesty's royal benevolence, and of restoring an entire esteem, confidence, and affection; or, in better words, the old good nature, and the good old humour,' between people, who, though separated by an ocean, and under different governments, have the same language, a similar religion, a kindred blood. I beg your Majesty's permission to add, that although I have sometimes before been intrusted by my country, it was never in my whole life in a manner so agreeable to myself.'

"The King listened to every word I said, with dignity it is true, but with an apparent emotion. Whether it was the nature of the interview, or whether it was my visible agitation, for I felt more than I did or could express, that touched him, I cannot say; but he was much affected, and answered me with more tremour than I had spoken with, and said—

"Sir,-The circumstances of this audience are so extraordinary, the language you have now held is so extremely proper, and the feelings you have discovered so justly adapted to the occasion, that I must say, that I not only receive with pleasure the assurance of the friendly disposition of the United States, but that I am glad the choice has fallen upon you to be their minister. I wish you, Sir, to believe, and that it may be understood in America, that I have done nothing in the late contest but what I thought myself indispensably bound to do, by the duty which I owed to my people. I will be very frank with you. I was the last to conform to the separation; but the separation having been made, and having become inevitable, I have always said, as I say now, that I would be the first to meet the friendship of the United States as an independent power. The mo

against the two quondam rivals; yet it is a fact, that -Lord North could not keep himself awake during

ment I see such sentiments and language as your's prevail, and a disposition to give this country the preference, that moment I shall say, let the circumstances of language, religion, and blood, ave their natural and full effect.'

"I dare not say that these were the King's precise words: and it is even possible that I may have in some particular mistaken his meaning; for although his pronunciation is as distinct as I ever heard, he hesitated sometimes between his periods, and between members of the same period. He was, indeed, much affected, and I was not less so, and therefore I cannot be certain that I was so attentive, heard so clearly, and understood so perfectly, as to be confident of all his words or sense; and I think that all which he said to me should at present be kept secret in America, unless His Majesty, or his secretary of state, should judge proper to report it. This I do say, that the foregoing is His Majesty's meaning, as I then understood it, and his own words, as nearly as I can recollect them.

“The King then asked me whether I came last from France; and upon my answering in the affirmative, he put on an air of familiarity, and smiling, or rather laughing, said, 'There is an opinion among some people that you are not the most attached of all your countrymen to the manners of France.' I was surprised at this, because I thought it an indiscretion, and a descent from his dignity. I was a little embarrassed, but determined not to deny the truth on the one hand, nor leave him to infer from it any attachment to England on the other. I threw off as much gravity as I could, and assumed an air of gaiety, and a tone of decision, as far as was decent, and said,- That opinion, Sir, is not mistaken. I must avow to your Majesty, I have no attachment but to my own country.'. The King replied as quick as lightning: An honest man will never have any other.'

"The King then said a word or two to the secretary of state,

the debate, notwithstanding the extreme personalities against himself; though he afterwards made a most brilliant reply, having been made acquainted with the principal points urged against him by the different speakers.

To the King, this coalition was extremely disagreeable, and he used every justifiable means to prevent their coming into power; but at length was induced to yield, stipulating for Thurlow's retaining

which, being between them, I did not hear; and then turned round, and bowed to me, as is customary with all kings and princes, when they give the signal to retire. I retreated, stepping backwards, as is the etiquette; and making my last reverence at the door of the chamber, I went my way. The master of the ceremonies joined me the moment of my coming out of the King's closet, and accompanied me through all the apartments down to my carriage; several stages of servants, gentlemen porters, and underporters, roaring out like thunder, as I went along, Mr. Adams's servants, Mr. Adams's carriage, &c."

Of another active republican, the following anecdote has been recorded: While a late Swedish monarch was in France, he was frequently solicited to visit the celebrated Dr. Franklin, and as often declined. One of the French nobles, who could use a little freedom with His Majesty, begged to know why he denied himself an honour which every other crowned head in Europe would be proud to accept.-" No man," said the monarch, "regards the Doctor's scientific accomplishments more than I do; but the king who affects to like an enthusiast for liberty is an hypocrite. I love the Doctor as a philosopher, but I hate him as a politician; and nothing shall ever induce me to be in the presence of a man whom my habits and situation oblige me to detest, while it is in my power to avoid it."

the chancellorship. Even this was denied him: but he still shewed that in some points he would be king, by bestowing the archbishopric of Canterbury, just vacact by the death of the Honourable Dr. Cornwallis, on a person of his own selection. He offered that mitre to Hurd, Bishop of Worcester, who declined it, and recommended Louth, Bishop of London. Louth also declined it; but the King would not permit the two bishops to retire from his closet until they had recommended a person whom they considered qualified for that important situation. Their choice fell upon Dr. Moor, Bishop of Bangor, who accepted the charge, and was confirmed in his office on the second of April, only a few hours previous to the assumption of power by the coalition.

It is a curious fact that, during these negotiations in March, Mr. Pitt actually came into office, and held the situation of first lord of the treasury and chancellor of the exchequer for the space of fourand-twenty hours; but the coalition was too strong in the House of Commons to offer any chance of permanence. Indeed, the King seemed to expect nothing from a new parliament; and it is said that he even had formed the resolution of visiting Hanover, in order to avoid the unpleasant circumstance of the coalition coming into power: but from this he was very properly dissuaded by Lord Thurlow, who spoke to him in the plainest terms, reminding

20

GEORGE THE THIRD,

him of James the Second, and hinting that time and patience might yet remove the threatening evil.

The coalition of North and Fox was extremely unpleasant to the King from personal, as well as political, considerations. Lord North had been the companion of his boyhood; and their political connexion, for so many years afterwards, had raised a strong and mutual attachment in the breasts both of the sovereign and his minister.

In fact, there seemed something personally disrespectful to the King in the measure; and his displeasure was totally forgotten some years afterwards, when the unpopular minister was visited by the loss of sight; a misfortune which excited His Majesty's deepest sympathy, and led the way to a renewal of ancient friendship.

Bishop Watson says that the coalition arose from the King appointing Lord Shelburne to the treasury, without the knowledge of, or at least without waiting for the recommendation of the cabinet. The doctor adds, that the whig part of the coalition, thus forced into the King's service, must have severely felt the great reluctance shown by His Majesty, and the indignities offered them by the court, &c. to which nothing but their poverty could have induced them to submit. Of the liberality of the whigs of that day, it it related by one of their own party, that Fox had determined that