lators, they would yet require to be cautiously and rigorously sup ported, if it were only because they are best correspondent with the views and regulations of other States, and because, so long as other States confine the trade of their colonies to themselves, England has not only a right, but is bound to act in the same manner.' In combating the notion which Gentz takes up after Smith, namely, that our navigation acts are commercially injurious, Lord Sheffield asks whether this can be so, if they promote the employment, and aug ment the number of our seamen; if they encourage ship building and all the useful arts connected with that essential trade; if they consequently provide occupations for innumerable artizans; if they secure to us the carriage of our own produce, as well as the supply of the most valuable markets,' Mr. Gentz himself, he adds, admits that they are important instruments of the greatness and security of the State-that they have afforded a powerful stimulative to the commercial marine of England-that they have tended to secure to the nation the freight trade, that great source of the former astonishing riches of Holland that the consummation of them has been the consequence of the most judicious policy-that they compelled the English to cultivate with their own vessels, their own sailors, and their own capitals, many branches of foreign trade which would, otherwise, have remained, partly or entirely in the hands of strangers-that they encouraged a branch of national industry which contributed to the security and independence of Great Britain-and that, as he quotes Mr. Adam Smith, however they may have been dictated by national antipathy, they are, nevertheless, as wise as if they had been the productions of consummate wisdom.' If the reasoning in the subsequent passage be somewhat loose, the caution which it recommends is very proper :-'When I ob. serve activity, and labour, and enterprize excited and encouraged, and honourable and ample wealth thus earned and obtained, under a system which few men have the disposition fully to examine, and some with inconsiderate levity condemn, I estimate the cause by its effects; and become more and more anxious to rescue from innovation a code which has been, and continues to be, productive of such various and inestimable advantages.' Many curious and instructive instances are to be found, which illustrate the remark adopted by Lord Sheffield, that nations often inconsiderately sacrifice to mercantile speculation, or to partial and mistaken interests, the essential principles of laws and systems under which they had flourished, and which had been the object of applause and imitation at home and abroad. The itch of legislating is a dangerous malady, if it does not keep pace (which it seldom does) with the requisite wisdom and information. We respect the intentions professed in this tract, and deem the admonitions given to public men, to beware of indirectly intrenching on antient constitutional laws, worthy of the attention of the parties to whom they are addressed; whether this violation should arise from clauses in foreign treaties, or from licences incautiously granted to subjects. It would have been more gratifying to us if, in addition to the merit of design, Lord S. had advanced stronger claims to the praise of compressed argumentation and logical deduction. 7 Art. Jo. Art. 21. A Proposition of a System of Finance, or Plan of General Contribution; which was submitted as a Substitute for the late Income Tax, and is recommended as a general Relief to the present Mode of Taxation, with Hints and Observations which Circumstances have suggested to the Projector. 8vo. IS. Hurst. 1804. The intention of this plan is to oblige all persons to contribute to the income tax, in proportion to their means, who have an income of Iol. per annum, or who are worth 100l. The author divides the con tributions into eighteen classes, and rates income from real and permanent property at 5 per cent., and that which is obtained from any precarious means at 2 per cent. It cannot be denied that much may be said in favour of extending this tax, on some such principles as are here proposed, to the lower classes; at least to classes inferior to those which it at present reaches. The pamphlet is written with great modesty, and breathes a benevolent patriotic spirit. Art. 22. The Independence of Great Britain, as the first of Maritime Powers, essential to, and the Existence of France, in its present State, incompatible with, the Prosperity and Preservation of all European Nations. [By the Rev. E. Hankin, M.A. M.D.] 8vo. Rivingtons. 28. We agree with this writer respecting the importance of a firm uniou and well concerted alliance among the states of Europe, for the purpose of resisting the over-grown power of France: but we cannot discern any circumstances in the present internal state of that country, which justify the assertion that it would be much easier to effect a material change in it now, than at any preceding period since the commencement of the Revolution.' How this change is to be accomplished, we are not informed: certainly not by expeditions to the coast of France. Time will shew the degree of reliance which is to be placed on the hostile feelings towards France that are said to prevail among the continental Powers; who, if they are alive to their own interest, must be solicitous for the preservation of our maritime supe riority, as a source of wealth and protection to Europe. Art. 23. Letter to Sir Francis Burdett, Bart. on the Folly, the In. decency, and dangerous Tendency of his Public Conduct. By the Rev. Edward Hankin, M. A. M.D. Svo. 28. Rivingtons. The strictures, which compose the substance of this letter, relate to Sir Francis's Speeches on the Defence Bill, July 18 last, and at the Crown and Anchor Tavern, July 29. Charges of seditious and treasonable declamation are here adduced against the Baronet, to which we must leave him to give the requisite consideration. Art. 24. Thoughts on the Formation of the late and present Admini strations. By Lord Archibald Hamilton. 8vo. 2s. 6d. Longman and Rees. 1804. Are Reviewers to become laughing or crying Philosophers, on the present occasion? Shall we smile at folly and court intrigue, or shall we lament the want of integrity and honor in men of talents and political consequence? Reflecting on the perilous situation of the country, we confess ourselves more disposed to be grave than facetious, while Jo. Mo-y. Do we we contemplate the state play which has lately been acted before the nation. Never was there a period which more loudly called for a great and broad line of conduct, in the formation of an Administration; and never was there a more glaring display of little feelings, and of a narrow and illiberal system. If objections were made to Mr. Addington's administration, as not being sufficiently comprehensive, on what grounds can that which has succeeded it be vindicated? Lord A. Hamilton does not attempt to vindicate either: but he laments the mysterious circumstances which inveloped the former, and speaks in strong terms of disapprobation respecting the principles and the measures connected with the formation of the latter. He participates with the nation at large, in the disappointment excited by Mr. Pitt's second administration, which he regards as probably inadequate to the exigencies of the country, and certainly inadequate to its just expectations.' The pretext for the dissolution of the Addingtonian administration was the wish of forming one on a broad and extensive basis: but, as such an administration has not taken place, and as it is generally understood that the great obstacle was a determination on the part of the Crown to exclude Mr. Fox, Lord A. Hamilton proposes aistinctly to consider these three points :- how far this exclusion can be deemed constitutional?-how far, under all the circumstances of the case, it ought to have operated with Mr. Pitt?-and how far this actual conduct has been regulated, either by tenderness towards the prerogative of the Crown, or regard to the sentiments and welfare of the country? In the first place, the principle of exclusion is manfully combated. It seems,' observes Lord A. that consistently with the constitution, neither appointment nor exclusion can rest upon any other than public grounds; and that to impute the exclusion of Mr. Fox, in the present instance, to private prejudice, or personal feelings in the royal mind, is to libel and traduce the king-And that to ascribe it to the weakness or wickedness of his advisers, is to burthen them with no more than a just and legitimate, though, in this case, a very heavy, responsibility." Mr. Pitt, it is contended, should have firmly expostulated with his Majesty, on the consequences of adhering to the principle of exclusion; and his refusal to accept the seals, it is maintained, would have secured to the country that comprehensive administration, for which Mr. Pitt himself had been ostensibly contending; for, says the noble writer: • Had Mr. Pitt refused to form an administration upon a weak and narrow basis, where is the man who would have dared to undertake the odious task? Had Mr. Pitt refused to accept or participate power, upon a scheme and scale hostile to the interests of his country, and adverse to the sentiments of parliament and the public, where is the man who would have presumed to have become a candidate for the ignominious eminence?" Though disappointed in the hope of political union, the author does not forget to inculcate political principles; and he concludes with expres sing his astonishment and regret that the parties to the formation of the די the new administration, and to the intrigue attending it, should fail to perceive that the best security of court influence is to be found, in its judicious exertion-the best security of the power of the Crown, in its salutary limits-the best security of the country, in a strict adherence to the Constitution.' Mo-y. Art. 25. A Letter addressed to the Right Hon. William Windham, the late Secretary at War, on the Expediency of allowing a Drawback on the Duties upon Wines for the Consumption of the Army. Interspersed with Observations on the Insufficiency of Military Pay, and the present Situation of Subaltern Officers. By Lieut. Fairman, of the Northamptonshire Militia. 2d Edit. 8vo. pp. 88. 2s. 6d. Carpenter. 1803. This officer plays the advocate with great zeal, and no small portion of address: but there is a considerable difference in the cases which are attempted to be identified. There are facilities for granting the exemption in question to the navy, which exist not with respect to the army; and the navy is almost constantly on what may be regarded as foreign service, which may be considered to be the case whenever it is not in port. We shall, however, view with satisfaction every extension of liberality towards our brave defenders, whether engaged in the land or the sea service: but if it be deemed proper at present to attempt any thing of this sort, we believe that the relief might be afforded in a way less inconvenient than that which is here pointed out. We accompany Lieut. F. with great satisfaction while he dilates on the hard lot of subalterns, and pathetically pleads for its amelioration; and, had he stopped here, we should have taken our leave of him impressed by his representations, and entertaining respect for himself. Not contented, however, with pleading the cause of his brethren, he plunges into the very depths of politics, and delivers his opinion on questionable matters with a confidence and dogmatism which would scarcely be allowable in a General, or even in a Generalissimo. He decides as to the persons who ought to be placed at the head of state affairs, and points out the course which they ought to take. He recommends, indeed, to the king and to the country, the person who is since become the actual premier; and he supposes that the Right Hon. Gentleman, whom he addresses, will fully agree with him. That gentleman is certainly now of a somewhat different opinion from his correspondent; and it is now evident that he never carried his ideas so far as this writer does: though it appears, from some very delicate appeals lately made by the premier himself to his quondam friends, that he was not less in a mistake than the Lieutenant. Jo. Art. 26. A Letter to Robert Ward, Esq; M. P. occasioned by his Pamphlet entitled "A View of the relative Situations of Mr. Pitt and Mr. Addington." 8vo. 38. Ginger. After having been instructed by a series of pamphlets on the motive of Mr. Pitt's late retirement from office, and on the real situation of Mr. Addington during his occupation of the place of Chancellor of the Exchequer, we are enabled at last to boast of having acquired the wisdom of Socrates, i. e.-we find that we know nothing. If, by the resump resumption of his former situation, Mr. Pitt has not dissipated that my stery, he has made the subject obsolete and uninteresting; and we flatter ourselves that the letter before us will terminate a controversy which has been prosecuted with much irritation and with little profit. If Mr. Ward was not very courteous in his animadversions, it may be said that "the butterfly has now met with his match," for he is treated with the most provoking contempt, and his correctness and elegance as a writer are pointedly impeached. His antagonist, however, may in the first instance be accused of having passed the bounds of gentlemanlike decorum; and in the second, of having fallen into errors similar to those which he lays to the charge of Mr. Ward: especially in the omission of the relative, and in the use of colloquial expressions. This author is a warm friend of Mr. Addington, and a great admirer of Mr. Pitt, though he cannot much relish the recent changes; having expressly declared that he had rather see Mr. Pitt in opposition than a minister.' The character of Mr. Addington cannot fail to be highly respected: but, being removed from the eminence of power, his political reputation will cease to be a matter of open contest, and our readers may not be anxious for any farther account of relative situations which no longer exist. Mo-y. Art. 27. 7. G. Semple Lisle's Letter to the British Volunteers. 8vo.. JS. Stewart. The object of this letter is to convey the author's warmest commendations on the spirit and attainments of our volunteers, and to animate them to perseverance. This purpose is effected in energetic but not always correct language, and supported by general asser tions and bold positions. We need not inform the majority of our readers who the writer is who has affixed his name in this peculiar way to his pamphlet; we shall only remark that on this occasion he seems to consider himself as intitled to give his opinion: 'I,' says he, who have often bled in the cause of royalty, and whose every little leaf of laurel has been dyed in the vital stream which circulates round my heart.'-' I have led squadrons of the first powers of Europe to the charge, and more than once against the French; I have had various opportunities of observing them, and do not hesitate to say, I should feel full of confidence and security in accompanying any corps of volunteers I have yet seen to an attack on the best brigade of France.' MISCELLANEOUS. Art. 28. The Report of the Evidence and other Proceedings in Par- Extract G.2. |