editor would undoubtedly expunge, that highly poetical tale is to be valued for inculcating several moral truths of importance. Theagenes is indeed a second Joseph under the solicitations of vice, while the constancy of Chariclea affords a pattern of female virtue; and there is true poetry in "the zone of Chariclea," and in other passages. Perhaps, however, it is not known to the transiator that an English version of this romance appeared a few years since, under the title of "The adventures of Theagenes and Chariclea." See Rev. Vol. vii. N. S. P. 352. ART. III. Letters on the Study and Use of Antient and Modern His- THE HE candid historian, who proposes to exhibit to his readers a genuine picture of the period of which he treats, will avoid, as far as it may be possible, all theoretical discussion and minute investigation into the springs of human action. He will content himself with a simple statement of events; accompanied with as faithful a delineation as his materials allow, both of the characters of distinguished individuals, and of the prominent features of the age.-The reader of history, on the contrary, treads a wider and more flowery path. The mere enumeration of facts and dates, of bloody battles and protracted sieges, or even the treasured remembrance of serious or amusing anecdotes, form but a partial and subordinate occupation for him. His office is to apply his knowlege of the past, to the examination of both the causes and consequences of curious and interesting events; to make improving reflections on the vicissitudes of human affairs; to observe the neverfailing tendency of certain modes of conduct, in promoting or undermining the prosperity of nations and individuals; and, from a judicious combination of reflections and inquiries, to furnish his mind with important lessons of political, moral, and religious wisdom. This is the proper business of the reader of history, as far as his ability and opportunities admit. It is, however, essential in the mean time to give a just direction to this faculty of reflection and retrospection, especially in the younger student; to point out proper objects for his notice; and to lead him gradually to exercise a much neglected talent,the art of think Mans ing for himself. It is on this account that we consider a judicious survey of the History of the World, if it point out the principal outlines which merit the student s attention, and be also accompanied with remarks of such a nature as we have described above, as very useful and valuable acquisition; and it gives us great pleasure to observe, that this desirable end is very successfully promoted in the collection of letters now before us. Mr. Bigland displays in this volume a well cultivated and comprehensive mind. His style is generally correct though not hig ly polished; his information is extensive; and the many pertinent remarks and inferences, with which he has inriched this summary of general history, meet our cordial approbation. We do not, however, conceive with the author that a work of this nature, however ably it may be executed, is calculated to furbish the uninformed reader with any material stock of historical information. It is true that history abounds with a great portion of matter which is of little comparative importance: but without somewhat more of circumstantial detail than the narrow compass of a single volume allows, it cannot be expected that more than a slight and transient impression should be made on those readers to whom the events, which are cursorily mentioned, are altogether new:-but for those, who have previously made themselves acquainted with historical subjects, a general review of this nature will become a valuable memorial: particularly as it suggests so copious a train of im- · portant reflections, whether they are regarded in a political or a religious point of view. In the latter respect, every serious and liberal Christian will reap great satisfaction from these letters. Perhaps, in what is remarked on Plato's philosophy, we should arrive at a different conclusion with regard to the similarity of his tenets on certain points with those of our church: but, in general, we have the pleasure of coinciding with the author in his remarks. This summary is arranged in chronological order, and divided into ten distinct periods: Of which the first includes the whole space of time from the earliest records to the subversion of the Babylonian monarchy; the second contains the space between the establishment of the Persian em. pire, by Cyrus, and its overthrow by Alexander; the third comprises the time which elapsed from the reign of Alexander to the coming of Christ; and the fourth begins at the Christian æra, and ends at the elevation of Constantine to the sovereignty of the Roman empire; the reign of that prince, on account of its singular importance and conspicuous effects, is distinctly considered as the fifth period; from the death of Constantine to the final subversion of the empire constiLutes the sixth period; the seventh begins at the subversion of the 6 Roman Roman empire, and continues to the reign of Charlemagne; the eighth begins at the death of Charlemagne, and continues till the firtecath century, which was peculiarly characterized by the revival of letters, the invention of printing, the discovery of America, the extension of commerce, &c, the ninth comprehends that age of enterprise. and adventure which begins at the middle of the fifteenth, and entinues to near the end of the sixteenth century; and the tenth period commences from that important æra, and exhibits a general view of modern times.' The letters are twenty three in number; and although some of them are of considerable length, the reader will find no occasion to make that circumstance a subject of complaint. A copious list of the contents of each is prefixed to the work, and will prove an useful remembrane after the perusal of a letter; serving not only to imprint the reflections on the reader's mind, but as a clue to guide him to the consideration of the ubject in a more ample manner at his own l-isure. In the 15th letter, we meet with these remarks on the merits and defects of Constantinople as the scat of empire; which, our readers may combine with Dr. Wittman's description of that city, as extracted in the first article of this Review: If we consider, not only the geographical position, but also the topographical situation of Constantinople, with the beautiful and picturesque arrangement of the land and water which form its environs, we shall easily be convinced of the eligibility of its situation, and of the preference due to it when compared with that of Rome. They are both in a temperate climate, Rome being situated in 41° 50, North latitude; and Constantinople in 41°, 10, North latitude. Constantinople is situated on an elevated ground, consisting of gently swelling eminences, rising like terraces one above another, without any of those deep val ies which separate the seven hils on which Rome is situated; and which, tog ther with the marshes adjoining to the Tyber, render the air wholesome. The city was laid out in a triangular form, and filled the triangle formed by the harbour, the Bosphorus, and the Propo itis, or Sea of Marmora. The harbour, on the north side of the city, is secure and capacious, being five hundred yards wide at its entizace, from the Bosphorus, and runs seven miles into the hand. From the Euxine sea to the Seraglio point, the whole leng hot the Bosphorus extends about 18 miles, and its ordinary breadth about a mile and half; but in many places somewhat broader, au i ja sɔme much narrower, with several beautiful wind, ings. In sailing up the Proporia, towards Constantinople, the most enchanting prospects charm the eye of the Navigator, who. from every part of that sea, may discover the high lands of either Thrace or Bythinia, and never loses sight of Mount Olympus, till at last the city itself, rising from the strand, attracts his view, and exhibits the most magnificent appearance. Con tantinople may, by its situa tion, command the commerce of the vast regions of the orth, by means of the Euxine sea, and the rivers Dou and Dnieper, which K 3 dis discharge themselves into it. By the streight of the Hellespont, which forms the communication between the Propontis and the Mediterranean, as the Bosphorus opens a passage from the Euxine sea to the Propontis, it is equally well situated for the trade of the south and west; and when Egypt is under its dominion, its position is extremely advantageous in respect of the trade to India and the eastern coasts of Africa. In fine, geographers commonly tell us, that Constantinople is the most eligible situation for commerce that can any where be found; and when we cast our eyes upon the map, its geographical position seems to indicate the same. We may, however, be imposed on by unqualified descriptions, and general appearances. Geographers, as well as historians, are not always correct; and the omission of one single circumstance will sometimes alter very much the description, as the want, or the distortion, of one single object, changes materially the appearance of the picture or landscape. The situation of Constantinople, considered in a commercial point of view, has one great defect, and is, in that respect, much inferior to London, Lisbon, and several other ports. The length of the Hellespont is not less than sixty miles, and its ordinary breadth not more than three miles, but in many places much narrower. A strong current sets through the Bosphorus, the Propontis, and the Hellespont, from the Euxine sea, into the Grecian Archipelago, and a strong north wind often blows in that region during several months; which, together with a strong current setting in the same direction, through so narrow a streight, sometimes renders Constantinople, for a long time together, almost inaccessible, to vessels coming from the Mediterranean. Those ports, which are situated on the ocean, or on large rivers, which have an immediate communication with it, have a great advantage over those which are situated on the inland seas; such as the Mediterranean, Euxine, Baltic, &c. or on the rivers which fall into them, in having the tides to facilitate the approach and entrance of vessels, in case of a calm or contrary winds; whereas the latter, in similar cases, possess not that advantage; and if a strong wind sets in the same direction with a strong current, their aggregate force is so great, that it is almost impossible to make head against it. This is the great disadvantage of the commercial situation of Constantinople, which the strong north winds, that often blow in those parts, the rapid current always setting from the Euxine, and the long and narrow streight of the Hellespont, all combine, at certain times, to render almost unapproachable. It must, however, be granted, that Constantinople enjoys an excellent commercial situation, although not the best that can be found, as it has been often asserted. Its position was also the most eligible that Constantine could have chosen for his new capital, it being a most commanding post for repelling the attacks of the enemies of the empire, and almost unequalled in regard to the amenity and beauty of its situation.' In the 10th letter the interesting state of religion, after the death of Constantine, is considered in various and improving lights. Among others, the author's reflections on the nature and use of monastic institutions arrested our attention in this letter, letter, because we find him at least a restricted apologist for seminaries which have often provoked our censure. There is some truth in his plea, but it is also open to many observations in reply; and it is obvious that he speaks of them rather as what they were ostensibly, or what they might be, than as what they too generally were in reality. Connected with the same subject, is the succeeding remark. The exorbitant elevation of the church was a natural consequence of the circumstances of the middle ages. In this enlightened age nothing can appear more shocking, or more abhorrent, from the universal feelings of human nature, than this spiritual usurpation; but if we dispassionately consider the circumstances of the times, and the state of the human mind, in the ages we are now contemplating, it will be found, not only consistent with the condition of mankind, throughout the Christian world at that time, but also, perhaps, better adapted to the then existing circumstances of Europe, than we are, upon a superficial view, inclined to imagine. For the general benefit of society, a very extensive power must be lodged in the hands of some of its members; and if we consider how few, in those dark ages, were endowed with abilities and learning requisite for conducting the great affairs of human society, we must allow, that the clergy were the persons best qualified for that important undertaking. This could not fail of giving an extraordinary influence and power to that order; and it is not the nature of man lightly to cast away that power which he sees naturally thrown into his hands. Whatever we may think at this day, when the circumstances of Europe have experienced so happy a change, if we contemplate, without passion or prejudice, the times of ignorance and barbarism, which, during the space of seven or eight centuries after the subversion of the Roman empire, overspread the face of Europe; perhaps it might be conducive to the benefits and tranquillity of society, that, in those times of tumult and anarchy, so great a portion of power fell into the hands of an order of men, to whom the sacred name and authority of religion ensured the veneration and obedience of a turbulent, but superstitious people; perhaps it might even have been necessary to the existence of Christianity, during so many ages of barbarism and unlettered ignorance. The counsels of Divine Providence are unsearchable, and far above our comprehension; but whatever disorders may, to our short-sighted capacities, seem to prevail in the divine government of the moral, as well as physical world, there is no doubt but that all events coincide with perfect harmony in the universal plan.' We have sometimes been disposed to think, with this author, that the religious establishments of those days of darkness were necessary to the very existence of Christianity' at that period our readers will recollect the sensible remarks of Dr. Jortin on this point; and perhaps we may add that the very superstitions and subtle disquisitions of churchmen on mysterious points of doctrine all conspired, if we may so express |