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the chair,—an intention which was subsequently suspended during the reconsideration of the Statutes of the Professorship, -to devote the salary, so long as he remained at Rugby, to the foundation of scholarships in Modern History. Even of the Lectures themselves, as of his school lessons at Rugby, he felt that "they may assist our efforts, but can in no way supersede them." And accordingly, in the last Lecture he mentioned the various authorities connected with the subject of his intended course for the next year, in "the hope that many might thus co-operate, and by their separate researches collect what no one man could have collected alone;" knowing that if "any one shall learn anything from me, he may be sure also that he may impart something to me in return, of which I was ignorant."

And further, he looked forward to the position belonging to him, not merely as a lecturer in History, but as one of the Professorial body in Oxford, to the insight which he should gain into the feelings of the place, to the influence which he might exercise by intercourse with the younger students, and to the share which he might take amongst the leading members of the University, in attempting to carry out some of those academical changes which he had long had at heart. Nor did he overlook, in the existing state of Oxford, the importance of his station as a counterpoise to what he believed to be its evil tendencies, though at the same time it was in full sincerity that he assured his audience, in his parting address to them, "He must be of a different constitution from mine who can wish, in the discharge of a public duty in our common University, to embitter our academical studies with controversy, to excite angry feelings in a place where he has never met with anything but kindness, a place connected in his mind with recollections, associations, and actual feelings, the most prized and the most delightful."

With regard to the subject of his Lectures, it was his intention to deliver a yearly course of at least eight Lectures, in which he was to endeavour to do for English History what Guizot in his Lectures on the Civilization of France had begun for French History. His first design had been, as has already appeared, to have started with the 15th century. But upon its

being represented to him that this could hardly be taken a fair representation of the middle ages, he finally resolved .. plan which be announced in his last Lecture, of commen with the 14th century, not as being equally with the 15 s tury a complete specimen of the system in Europe gan' but as being the period in which English instrations e characters first acquire any especial interest, and so more fre for the design of his own Lectures.

In these successive courses he would have been czabled: include not only many new fields of inquiry, but most of the subjects which had been long the subjects of his study & interest, and which he had only been withheld from treating t want of time and opportunity. His early studies of the ents of Charles the Bold and of Louis XI., and of the fate of Huss and Jerome of Prague, of which his mind had s retained a lively impression;-his somewhat later studies of the times of the English Reformation, in which he used to sar was necessary, above all other historical periods, "not to for the badness of the agents in the goodness of the cause, or the goodness of the cause in the badness of the agents; "—wel here have found their proper places. He had long desired, sti now doubtless would have endeavoured, fully to describe the reigns of the two first Georges, "the deep calm of the first seventy years of the eighteenth century," which, as the abusei trial time of modern Europe, and as containing within itse the seeds of our future destiny," had always had such a heli upon his interest, that at one time he was on the point of sacrfing to a detailed exposition of this period even his History of Rome. And here, also, he would have aimed at realizing some of those more general views, for which his office would have given him ample scope-his long cherished intention of bringing the “Politics" of his favourite Aristotle to bear on the problems of modern times and countries,-his anxiety to call public stention to the social evils of the lower classes in Fugland, which he would have tried to analyze and expose in the process of their formation and growth,-his interest in tracing the general laws of social and political science, and the symptoms of advancing age in the human race itself; and his

onging desire, according to his idea of what the true history of the Church should be, of unfolding all the various elements, physical and intellectual, social and national, by which the moral character of the Christian world has been affected, and of comparing the existing state of European society with the ideal Church in the Apostolical age, or in his own anticipations of the remote future.

This was to be his ordinary course. The statutes of his Professorship required, in addition, terminal Lectures on Biography. In these, accordingly,—though intending to diversify them by occasional Lectures on general subjects, such as Art or Language, he meant to furnish, as it were, the counterpoise to the peculiarly English and political element in his regular course, by giving not national, but individual life, not British, but European History. Thus the first was to have been on "The Life and Time of Pope Gregory the First, or the Great," as the name that stands at the opening of the history of Christian Europe. The next would have been Charlemagne, whose coronation he had already selected as the proper termination of ancient History; and along with or succeeding him, the Life of Alfred. What names would have followed can only be conjectured. But he had intended to devote one Lecture to Dante, in the fourteenth century; and there can be no doubt, without speculating on the wide field of later times, that one such biography would have described "the noblest and holiest of monarchs, Louis IX. ;" and that he would have taken this opportunity of recurring to the eminent Popes of the middle ages, Gregory VII. and Innocent III., whose characters he had vindicated in his earlier works, long before that great change in the popular view respecting them, which in this, as in many other instances, he had forestalled at a time when his opinion. was condemned as the height of paradox.

How far any or all of these plans would have been realized -what effect they would have had upon the University or upon English literature-what would have been the result of his

a See Sermons, vol. iv. p. 111.

Pamphlet on "the Roman Catholic Claims," in 1829, and on "the Principles of Church Reform," in 1833.

coming into personal contact with men, whom he had up to this time known or regarded only as the representatives of abstract systems,-how far the complete renewal of his intercourse with Oxford would have brought him that pleasure, which he fondly anticipated from it,—are questions on which it is now useless to speculate. The Introductory Lectures were to be invested with the solemnity of being the last words which he spoke in his beloved University. The expressions, always habitual to him, but in this volume occurring with more than usual frequency:—“ if I am allowed to resume these Lectures next year" —“if life and health be spared me”—“ if God shall permit," were to be justified by his own unexpected call; the anxiety which he describes when a man is cut off by sudden death, “to know whether his previous words or behaviour indicated any sense of his coming fate," was to be exemplified in his own case to the very lettera.

CCXCII. TO REV. DR. HAWKINS.

Rugby, December 4, 1841.

I thank you very much for your notices of my Lecture. With regard to the influence of the Jews, I could not have noticed that as a new element, because it has already been at work before, and I was considering merely what prospect there was of any new race arising. to add a new power to those which have hitherto been in operation.

With regard to the other two points, I am afraid that there will be a difference between us, though I am not sure how far we differ as to the object of a state. I liked the first part of Gladstone's book as to its conclusions, though I did not much like all his arguments. In the second part I differed from him utterly.

I did not mean to say anything about the Church more than might be said by all persons of whatever opinions, nor more, indeed, than is implied by the very fact of an Establishment. I do not think that my words said anything about the Church being an instrument in the State's hand, either expressly or by implication. Certainly I did not mean to say a word on that topic which could give suspicion to any one; for of course it was my desire to have at any rate a peaceable beginning.

a Lectures on Modern History, first edition, pp. 139. 151. 155.

We both enjoyed our day extremely, and it has given me a very good heart for my next appearance in Oxford. We got home about eleven, and found all well. We have still more than a fortnight before we start for Westmoreland.

CCXCIII. TO THE REV. F. C. BLACKSTONE.

Rugby, December 17, 1841.

I believe that my Professorship pleases me even more than that of Ecclesiastical History, even with a stall at Christ Church added to it. I do not wish to leave Rugby yet, as the income of a Stall would not enable me to educate my sons nearly as well as I can do at present, besides the extreme comfort of having their school education completed under my own teaching. And then Modern History embraces all that I most want to touch upon in Ecclesiastical History, and has much besides of the deepest interest to me, which I could not have included under the other. I cannot tell you the delight which I have in being able to speak at Oxford on the points which I am so fond of; and my Inaugural Lecture was so kindly received that it gives me great hopes of being able to do something. I do dread the conflict of opinions in which I must be more or less involved; but then I also feel that the cause, which I earnestly believe to be that of Christ's faith, wants all the support in Oxford which it can get; and from my numerous pupils I have some peculiar advantages, which hardly any one else could have.

CCXCIV.

TO THE REV. R. THORPE.

Fox How, Christmas Day, 1841.

I thank you very much for the extracts which you have sent me, and still more for your kind letter. I often think that I should be better qualified to assist those who are in doubt as to these questions, if I could understand what there is in the opposite opinions which recommends itself particularly to the mind. I can understand, for instance, the Calvinistic and Arminian controversy, both sides appearing to me to have something in their favour both in Scripture and in Philosophy, although I think not equally. But here I cannot perceive what is the temptation, i. e. what ground of

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