God are the tribunes of the people. O igno- | ering the period of its appearance, and the rant! that with such a mission they should ever author's position at the time, we are lost in have cringed in the ante-chambers of ministers, wonder at the astounding audacity of its revor bowed before parliamentary committees! (Pp. 353, 354.)

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principle among the late Protectionists, that we must seek for the real explanation of what seems otherwise unaccountable in this book. Their beau ideal of a patriotic statesman is, or was, one who should be always prepared to sacrifice his country to his party; and the public virtues on which, if we may credit their chosen and trusted annalist, they laid the greatest stress were cupidity and vindictiveness. For example:

elations. He unblushingly owns that he was almost uniformly actuated by the least justifiAt the commencement of the year 1846, able class of personal motives, and he nartherefore, when Mr. Disraeli volunteered to rates the factious intrigues which he aided or become the mouthpiece of a Protectionist, No- suggested, with a chuckling self-complacency, Popery, and anti-Tractarian opposition, he indicating about the same notion of political himself was a Freetrader and a Puseyite morality which a man born blind may be supthat is, if he ever was anything but what posed to have of colors. Mr. Macaulay, after appeared to suit his immediate purpose. alleging ample reasons for the "belief that Most assuredly, the more liberal views then those amongst whom Machiavelli lived saw recently announced by Sir Robert Peel in con- nothing shocking or incongruous in his writnexion with the Maynooth Grant and the ings," observes, "it is therefore in the state Corn Laws, might have been expected to re- of moral feeling among the Italians of his move or soften (instead of aggravating) any time that we must seek for the real explanalurking distrust of that lamented statesman tion of what seems most mysterious in the which his unrelenting satirist could have con- life and writings of this remarkable_man." tracted on public grounds. Why, then, did The now scattered or defunct Country Party," Mr. Disraeli lend himself out, as an intellect- far from seeing anything objectionable in the ual gladiator, to a section of that "large-" Political Biography," eagerly circulated it acred squirearchy" with whom he had no as their text-book and guide. By a parity one view, thought, taste, habit, or sentiment of reasoning, therefore, it is in the state of in common? The solution of the problem is partly to be found in the circumstance on which Mr. Henry Drummond opportunely fixed attention, namely, that "the best heads had gone over to the other side;" so that Mr. Disraeli might have been actuated by motives very similar to those which induced the Scotch archer to prefer the service of Louis the Eleventh to that of Charles the Bold. "The Duke of Burgundy," observed Le Balafré to Quentin Durward," charges at the head of his nobles and native knights, his The time (the first week in April, 1846) had now arrived when it became necessary for those liegemen of Artois and Hainault. Think who were responsible for the conduct of the proyou, if you were there, or if I were there my tectionist party very gravely to consider the state self, that we could be much further forward of affairs, which had become critical, and to dethan the Duke and all his own brave nobles cide upon the future course. The large majority of his own land?" On the other hand, he in the House of Lords had extinguished the linadded, the King of France had alienated or gering hope that the ministerial scheme might driven away all the best of the hereditary de- ultimately be defeated. Vengeance therefore fenders of his throne. "Now, see you not," had succeeded in most breasts to the more sanconcluded the sagacious mercenary, "in guine sentiment. The field was lost, but at any which of these states a cavalier of fortune rate there should be retribution for those who holds the highest rank, and must come to the had betrayed it. Proud in their numbers, confihighest fortune?" Just so, Mr. Disraeli dent in their discipline, and elate with their memmight plausibly have asked himself whether body had always assumed, that when the occaorable resistance, the protectionist party as a cavalier of fortune was likely to come to the sion was ripe, the career of the minister might highest honor by competing fairly with states- be terminated: it was not until the period had men of acknowledged reputation, or by con- arrived when the means to secure the catastrophe tending for the protectionist leading staff with were to be decided on, that the difficulty of disLord Granby, Mr. Herries, Mr. Walpole, Sir covering them was generally acknowledged. John Pakington, Mr. Newdegate, and Mr. How was Sir Robert Peel to be turned out? Here Christopher. was a question which might well occupy the musing hours of a Whitsun recess. (P. 230.).

66

a

The suggestion of a formal vote of want of confidence is discussed, and rejected for the very sufficient reason that it could not have been carried. The writer then proceeds:

Strange to say, this mode of accounting for his conduct is far more favorable to the Right Honorable Gentleman than the explanation of it which he has given in the latest of his literary productions, "Lord George Bentinck: A Political Biography." This book was published in January, 1852, about two months If indeed the whigs had been prepared to form before his accession to high office, and, consid-a government on the economical principles of

their own budget of 1841, the whole of the pro- tained their seats beneath the gangway on the tectionist party would have arrayed itself under ministerial side. They did this on the reasonable their banners, and the landed interest, whose ground, that as it was their intention to support honor they would have then saved, would have the general policy of the new government, it was been theirs forever. This was a result which the unnecessary for them to cross the House with the whigs as a party were desirous to accomplish; late cabinet which they had themselves mainly and a nobleman, whose services have been since driven from power. But as time advanced, conprematurely lost to the country, and whose ex- siderable inconvenience was found to result from cellent sense, imperturbable temper, and knowl- this arrangement, for the protectionists were so edge of mankind, had for many years exercised numerous, that the greater portion of the whigs a leading influence in the councils of the whigs, were obliged to range themselves on the benches and always to their advantage, was extremely opposite the men whom they had always supanxious, that by a reconstruction in this spirit ported, and with whom they were still voting. an end should be put to that balanced state of This led to some conversation between the Treasparties, which, if permitted to continue, frus-ury bench and Lord George Bentinck; and it trated the practicability and even the prospect was finally agreed that, on the whole, it would of a strong government. What he wished par- be more convenient that on the meeting of the ticularly to accomplish was, to see Lord George House in '47, he should take the seat usually Bentinck in the new whig cabinet. But though occupied by the leader of the Opposition, and this eminent individual conducted his negotia- that his friends should fill the benches generally tions under the happiest auspices, for Lord George allotted to an adverse party. This was the origin Bentinck entertained for him great personal re- of his taking a position which he assumed with gard, and was united to his son by ties of very great reluctance, and of his appearing as the warm and intimate friendship, his object was not chief opponent of a ministry which he was anxious attained. Lord John Russell could not recede to uphold. (P. 371.) from the Edinburgh letter, and he was more valuable to his party than a fixed duty on corn. Lord George Bentinck offered, and promised, to support the whig government, but would not become a member of any administration that was not prepared to do justice to the land. (Pp. 281 -233.)

The nobleman alluded to is, we believethe late Earl of Besborough, who well merited the tribute paid in this passage to his excellent qualities of head and heart; but what Mr. Disraeli terms "his negotiations" were undertaken on his own responsibility, and were never sanctioned or encouraged by any chief or authorized representative of the whig party. Nor is it credible that, when the repeal of the Corn Laws had been once formally proposed by Sir Robert Peel, any leader of that party ever dreamed of proposing a fixed duty. The prominent peculiarity of this passage, however, is quite independent of its historical accuracy. The author's notions of political honor may be collected from it. He boldly asserts that, in 1846, the whole of the protectionist party might have arrayed itself under the whig banner without any loss of credit or desertion of principle; and that the honor of the landed interest might have been saved by reverting to the whig budget of 1841. Yet every man of them had been elected for the purpose of opposing that budget. Further comment would be superfluous, and we pass on to other equally illus trative revelations.

66

"A long table and a square table, or seats about the walls," observes Lord Bacon in his Essay on Counsel,' ""seem things of form, but are things of substance; for, at a long table, a few at the upper end in effect sway all the business; but, in the other form, there is lower." Just so, as we collect from the foremore use of the counsellors' opinion that sit going statement, the arrangement and partition of the seats in the House of Commons, or the small or large space below the gangway, may seem things of form, but are things of substance; ical position of a great party, and public men for they may determine the politwill of course consider a crowded bench, or an inconvenient seat, a less tolerable alterna

tive than the obligation to act against a government with which they are disposed to con

cur from conviction.

The following is another startling pas

sage:

When all hope of reconstructing the whig party on a broad basis was reluctantly given up, and the future ministers reconciled themselves to that prospect of a weak government which was so clearly foreseen by their sagacious friend, and those active spirits who busy themselves with the has been subsequently so unfortunately realized, measures of parties fixed upon the sugar duties as the inevitable question on which the government might be expelled from office. The exist ing government, it was understood, had pledged itself to the colonial interest to maintain their old policy of excluding slave-grown sugar; and, in fact, it was only by such an engagement that the votes of those members of the House of Commons connected with the two Indies had been lost to the Protectionists in the division. It was sup posed that the agricultural interest, having lest the protection which the land enjoyed, would not be indisposed to console themselves for this de

privation by the enjoyment of cheap sugar, reserved for the enlightened patriots who did especially when the representatives of dear sugar think that the existence of the institutions of had exhibited so decided a predilection for cheap the country depended on a fiscal restriction. bread. But when Lord George Bentinck was In the most enthusiastic spirit of hero-worsounded on this scheme he shook his head, with ship, and in a style worthy of the late George that peculiar expression which always conveyed Robins, he exclaims:

They trooped on: all the men of metal and "we have nothing to sustain us but our princi-large-acred squires, whose spirit he had so often ples. We are not privy-councillors, but we may quickened and whose counsel he had so often be honest men. (Pp. 233, 234.)

Considered and judged from the conservative point of view, Lord Chandos' position was unassailable; and in refusing to admit that "conservative principles depended on tariff regulations," his lordship did little the " Dii" being about upon a par, in taste, more than paraphrase the language of "Con- manners, and impartiality, with the "Gods" in ingsby." But all the writer's sympathies are the shilling gallery of a metropolitan theatre.

It is observed by Mr. Disraeli, in "Vivian obtaining the support of numbers through Grey," that "the only rival to be feared by a their passions and prejudices, and then man of spirit is a clever boy;" and the bois- demanding power as their representative; in terous scenes which too frequently disgraced other words, by playing off the nonsense of the the House of Commons in 1846, bear a marked country against its sense. Mr. Disraeli has analogy to those in which a smart and forward chosen the latter. His principal claim to dislad is encouraged to make a set at some grave tinction rests on his adroit management of the and respectable person, who cannot retort foolish and the vain. His admirers do not without a loss of dignity. If the attention of dwell on the justness of his views, the purity of the late protectionists could be recalled to the his motives, the solidity of his acquirements, or period of which we speak, some of them would the excellence of his measures. They say in be not a little astonished at the sort of face- effect: "See to what a height he has raised tiousness which then threw them into con- himself by his unaided exertions; observe vulsions of delight, as well as at the coarse how many men of metal and large-acred vituperation which they rapturously approved. squires' swear by him despite of his race. The following passage from Mr. Disraeli's How could all this have come to pass unless he speech, on the third reading of the Corn Bill, were an orator and statesman of the first immediately precedes the peroration, and was water?" We admit the premises, but we received with roars of laughter": dispute the inference. The tide which, taken "The day after the Right Honorable Gen- at the flood, led him on to fortune, was a tleman (Peel) made his first exposition of his phenomenon which may not occur again for scheme, a gentleman well known in this centuries, but the qualities required to float House and learned in all the political secrets upon it were by no means of corresponding behind the scenes, met me, and said, 'Well, rarity. We could name half-a-dozen public what do you think of your chief's plan?' Not men who could have anticipated him, had knowing exactly what to say, but taking up they not been restrained by their sense of a phrase which has been much used in this honor and their convictions. More than one House, I observed, Well, I suppose it's a distinguished Peelite would, if he had abangreat and comprehensive plan.' 'Oh,' he doned his principles, and joined the protecreplied, we know all about it. It was tionists, have been hailed as leader by his offered to us. It is not his plan; it's Pop-new party. "Go, my son," said Oxenstiern. kins' plan! And is England to be governed "and see with how little wisdom the world is by Popkins' plan? Will he go to the country governed." Go, he might have added, and with it? Will he go with it to that ancient mark with how slender a stock of genuine and famous England, that once was governed merit men rise to wealth, station, or celebby statesmen by Burleighs and by Walsing-rity. Little more than a year ago an astonhams, by Bolingbrokes and Walpoles, by a ished nation saw thirty or forty very commonChatham and a Canning- will he go to it place noblemen and gentlemen appointed to with this fantastic scheme of some presumptu- high offices, and sixteen or seventeen of them. ous pedant?" made privy councillors, by way of reward for the intemperate and mischievous advocacy of an exploded error. Would they have been so promoted had they not lagged behind their most enlightened contemporaries? Or what, at this hour, would be the position of Mr. Disraeli himself, had he been uniformly true and consistent had he conscientiously chosen his party, or side, and stuck to ithad he, above all, abided gallantly by the only cause which he ever appeared to have thoroughly at heart—the cause of the oppressed brethren of his race?

6

The sole point, such as it is, of this carefully prepared and eminently successful passage, depends upon the name, Popkins, which, if the story be not altogether apocryphal, was evidently substituted for the real one by the speaker. The notion, however, is not original. In Lord Normanby's "Yes and No," a fine gentleman bets twenty to one against the favorite for "the Derby," on the strength of the owner's name - urging that it was morally impossible for a Snooks to win "the blue riband of the Turf."

"A jest's prosperity lies in the ear of him who hears it," the maxim is no less true of a speech; and a very limited quantity of eloquence will go a long way, when the orator makes it his main business to humor and chime in with the excited feelings and confirmed prejudices of those whose favor he is anxious to conciliate. A thorough appreciation of the prevalent weakness in this respect is the secret of Mr. Disraeli's elevation.

This brings us to what might have been the brightest, and is likely to turn out the darkest chapter in his history. We allude, of course, to his mode of dealing with the Jewish Claims, which he advocated more eloquently than discreetly for many years, and virtually abandoned when he found it more profitable to enlist in the service of intolerance. The matured views of this important subject, which he first developed in "Tancred," will be found There are two modes of getting on in the 24th chapter of the "Political Biogra directly appealing to superior minds, or by phy." Lord George Bentinck, it will be re

by

membered, resigned the leadership to which | Bentinck in forming his opinion that the civil his Caucasian friend eventually succeeded, disabilities of those subjects of Her Majesty who rather than humor the Spooners and Newde- profess that limited belief in divine relation which gates by cooperating with them in their bigotry. The difficulty," observes Mr. Disraeli, "arose from the member elect for the City of London being not only of the Jewish race, but, unfortunately, believing only in the first part of the Jewish religion." It follows that Christianity is only the second part of the Jewish religion; and the author deems the second as of less authority than the first, or, at least, as of only equal authority:

When the ineffable mystery of the Incarnation was consummated, a divine person moved on the face of the earth in the shape of a child of Israel, not to teach but to expiate. True it is that no word could fall from such lips, whether in the form of profound parable, or witty retort, or preceptive lore, but to guide and enlighten; but they who, in those somewhat lax effusions, which in these days are honored with the holy name of theology, speak of the morality of the Gospel as a thing apart and of novel revelation, would do well to remember that in promulgating such doctrines they are treading on very perilous ground.

There cannot be two moralities; and to hold that the Second Person of the Holy Trinity could teach a different morality from that which had been already revealed by the First Person of the Holy Trinity, is a dogma so full of terror that it may perhaps be looked upon as the ineffable sin against the Holy Spirit. (P. 487.)

He contends, on the strength of a very peculiar theory of vice and virtue — looking indeed, very like Predestination in its most objectionable shape- that mankind owe a large debt of gratitude to the Jewish race, as well as a tribute of respect to the memory of Pontius Pilate and Judas Iscariot. "The crucifixion," he tells us, "of our blessed Lord in the form of a Jewish prince," is not their shame, but their glory:

If the Jews had not prevailed upon the Romans to crucify our Lord, what would have become of the Atonement? But the human mind cannot contemplate the idea that the most important deed of time could depend upon human will. The immolators were preördained like the victim, and the holy race supplied both. Could that be a crime which secured for all mankind eternal joy? Which vanquished Satan, and opened the gates of Paradise? Such a tenet would sully and impugn the doctrine that is the corner-stone of our faith and hope. (Pp. 488, 489.)

is commonly called the Jewish religion, should be removed. He had supported a measure to this effect in the year 1833, guided in that conduct by his devoted attachment to the equivocal principle of religious liberty, the unqualified application of which principle seems hardly consistent with that recognition of religious truth by the State to which we yet adhere, and without which it is highly probable that the northern and western races, after a disturbing and rapidly degrading period of atheistic anarchy, may fatally recur to their old national idolatries, modified and mythically dressed up according to the spirit of the age. (Pp. 508, 509.)

This is a handsome tribute to the spirit of bigotry, and has doubtless been duly appreciated by his political associates; but between the Puseyism of " Coningsby" and the Hebraism of this " Biography," we should conceive that he will still experience considerable difficulty in getting himself recognized in Exeter Hall, or by the National Club, as the preördained champion of the Church.

Between 1846 and 1852, Mr. Disraeli, as if divining the very post that was in store for him, gave up a great deal of his attentions to the study of finance; but he might have said of the elementary doctrines of political economy what the Marechal Duke of Richelieu said relled with them at the outset of life, and could of the rules of grammar-that he had quarnever afterwards make up the difference. Perhaps no embryo Chancellor of the Exchequer ever talked a larger quantity of nonsense on fiscal topics within a given space of time. One year he was to relieve the landed interest by extending the land tax; the year following, he cheap proposed to create an abundance of" capital" by reducing the National Debt; and then again the British farmers were to be enabled to defy foreign competition by a diminution in "the cost of production."

He has recently boasted, that, although a protectionist leader, he never dreamed of reverting to" Protection"; yet the "charmed weapon" with which he entreated the farmers to arm their champion was undoubtedly a system of import duties. His favorite measure, however, was the transfer of local burdens to the Consolidated Fund; and this he reproduced annually, until he was compelled to take a serious view of its justice and practicability, when he suddenly discovered that it had become superfluous. Indeed, it is a remarkable fact, and a striking illustration of the total want of soundness and earnestness in his propositions, that not a single feature of any one of his amateur budgets was retained in his official production of December last. Still The views expressed in the preceding chapter he had so far contrived to impose upon the were not those which influenced Lord George least discerning portion of the public that CCCCLXXII. LIVING AGE. VOL. I. 38

Yet this "sublime claim," as he terms it, is declared untenable, and cannot be allowed without risking the revival of the Druidical rites and the relapse of the most enlightened nations of the civilized world into Paganism. The 25th chapter of the "Biography" opens

thus: