Propertius, alluding to this custom, places the vows of the Republic on the prow, which proves that the tutelary deity of that vessel occupied that situation.

Solve metu patriam, quæ nunc te vindice freta

Imposuit proræ publica vota tuæ.

To this it may be answered, that navigators placed their vows in other places than on the knees of the god; they sometimes inscribed them on the sails of the vessel.'

Those who wish to investigate this matter more deeply, may consult Stanley's learned note on verse 214 of the Seven Chiefs before Thebes, a tragedy of Eschylus, Vol. 11. p. 750, of Pauw's edition.

Ἐς τὸ οὐ θεμιτόν ἐστι ἐσίεναι ἄλλον γε ἢ τὸν ἱρέα] The entrance to which is forbidden by the laws to all but the priest. The Latin translator has rendered the above Greek passage by, inaccessum alteri (templum nempe) quam sacerdoti.' This is indeed the general meaning of it; but the particle ye is not rendered at all. Most translators imagine that this and other similar particles are mere expletives, introduced only for the sake of harmony. I am convinced, however, that they are mistaken, and that there are very few cases in which these particles are superfluous. The particle ye in the present case, for instance, limits a meaning, which would otherwise be much too general. I cannot make this very distinctly felt in my translation for to understand thoroughly the use of these particles, requires a correct acquaintance with the Greek language; and the neglect of them frequently perverts the author's meaning. Madame Dacier had a general knowledge of the language; but for want of attention to these particles, she sometimes fails to give the correct meaning of her author. From amongst a thousand examples that I could bring forward, I select the following:

с

• Ο δὲ χερμάδιον λάβε χειρὶ

Τυδείδης, μέγα ἔργον, ὃ οὐ δύο γ ̓ ἄνδρε φέροιεν,
Οἷοι νῦν βροτοί εἰσι.

Which she thus renders: " Diomedes immediately takes up in his hand a stone of enormous weight, such as two men of the present day could not lift, &c." Whereas she ought to have said, "and which two men, ' at least such as' those of the present day, &c."

The Latin version likewise omits the particle ye.

XXXVIII. Téλwra] A subject of derision. The wisdom of these reflections has elicited from Major Rennel the following remarks: "This exhibits a powerful contrast between a virtuous republican of

a Propert. lib. iv. Eleg, vi. vers. 41. Apul. Metamorph. lib. xi. p. 379, 2. Homeri Iliad. lib. v. vers. 303.

The Geographical System of Herodotus examined, &c. p. 7.

Greece and a modern republican, formed on the model of such men as... ... Such," continues the same writer, "" are the sentiments of a virtuous republican, who preferred quitting his native country, to living under the dominion of a tyrant who violated all its laws."

Nóμov závτwv Baorλéa] The law is a king who governs all. Herodotus means to say that the sway of custom is so arbitrary, that no people can by any means be induced to change their customs, however objectionable they may be; and he supports this opinion by a passage from Pindar, who says, that the law is the king of all. If we are to believe Plato," this passage of Pindar must be understood to apply to that eternal law, by virtue of which the strong always oppress the weak.

On this passage of Plato, the reader may consult the Abbé Fraguier. The passage of Pindar, as preserved by his scholiast, runs thus: Νόμος ὁ πάντων βασιλεὺς θνατῶν τε καὶ ἀθανάτων, ἄγει δι καιῶν τὸ βιαιότατον ὑπερτάτῳ χειρί. 'The law is the sovereign both of men and gods; its powerful hand governs and restrains the most violent opposition.' Aristides also quotes this passage, but more fully, for he adds these words; τεκμαίρομαι ἔργοισιν Ηρακλέους. Ἐπεὶ ἀπριάτας : and his scholiast subjoins: ἐπεὶ Γηρυόνου βύας Κυκλωπίων ἐπὶ προθύρων Εὐρυσθέως ἀναιρεῖται, καὶ ἀπριάτας ἤλασεν. ‘I conjecture this from the actions of Hercules, as he drove before him the oxen of Geryon without having bought them, and took them to the palace of Eurystheus, built by the Cyclops.' It should seem from this passage, that Plato had apprehended its true meaning. The reader may however consult the notes of Valckenaer and Wesseling. The scholiast of Aristides should be corrected by that of Pindar.

arms.

XXXIX. "Os eoxe Záμov éñavaorás] Had taken possession of. At a solemn festival, celebrated at Samos in honour of Juno, all the citizens walked in procession to the temple of the goddess, with their Polycrates, having by this means collected a large quantity of arms, distributed them to his partisans, who were headed by his brothers, Syloson and Pantagnotus. When the procession was ended, the Samians laid down their arms, to proceed with the sacrifice. The partisans of Polycrates having seized their arms, massacred all those who were not of their party, and having taken possession of the most advantageous posts, they brought over from the isle of Naxos Lygdamis, who was tyrant of it, and by his means became masters of the citadel, called Astypalæa.

• Plato in Gorgiâ, Vol. i. p. 484. B. Mémoires de l'Acad. des Belles Let

res, tom. v. Hist. p. 111. et suiv.

d Aristid. Tepl 'Prop. Orat. i. p. 114. lin. 26.

e

Polyæni Strategem. lib. i. cap. xxiii.

Scholiast. Pindari ad Nem. ix, vers. ii. pp. 48, 49.

Xiλious rolóras] A thousand archers. This number appears too small, when we consider the vast power of this prince, and what is said of it at § XLV. But yet, as the strength of a Greek army consisted in its heavy-armed troops, he might have had in his pay 10,000 men, which is a large number; for we know that neither Athens nor Lacedæmon, in the most brilliant times of those republics, could bring a larger number of men into the field.

Xapierovai pāλov] That he should afford more pleasure to a friend. This idea is evidently false; and Libanius appears to me in the right, when he says, in a discourse which has not reached us,a Пléøvкev åvθρωπος οὐχ οὕτως εὐφραίνεσθαι κερδαίνων, ὡς ἀλγεῖν ζημιούμενος. Gain does not naturally give a man so much pleasure, as loss causes him pain.'

I may add, that he who deprives another of his property deeply wounds his feelings; a restitution or compensation will not heal this wound, which will continue to rankle in the heart.

XL. Τὸ θεῖον ἐπισταμένῳ ὡς ἔστι φθονερόν] Knowing the jealousy of the gods. See note 1. on § xxxII. of Book 1. in which I have quoted a valuable passage from Plutarch. This philosopher reasoned like a wise man; but his sound reasoning was little felt by the vulgar, and the absurd notions which that vulgar had formed of the Deity prevailed long after the time of our historian. I will give one example. Paulus Emilius, according to custom, rendering to the people an account of his conduct, thus expresses himself: "From Brundusium I repaired in one day to the island of Corcyra; from Corcyra I reached Delphi in five days, where I sacrificed to the god (Apollo). In five more days, I reached Thessaly, where I took the command of the army. In fifteen days from that time, I made Perseus prisoner, and subdued Macedonia. Having obtained so rapid a success, I feared lest on my return some reverse should befall the army: but the army having arrived in safety, my fears directly pointed to you; for the gods are jealous.' But the misfortune having fallen on me only, my two children having suddenly died, I am, in what regards myself, the most wretched of men, but re-assured and tranquil on your account."

I have no doubt that Herodotus himself had as correct notions of the Deity as Plutarch. See Book 1. note on § XXXII. and Plutarch's treatise on the Malignity of Herodotus, § XVI. with note 2.

XLI. Zpapáydov pèv Xílov] An emerald. Pliny thinks, for I know not what reason, that this stone was a sardonyx. "Sardonychen" eam gemmam fuisse constat : ostenduntque Romæ, si credimus,

• Anecdota Græca, Vol. ii. p. 16. Plutarch. Vit. Parall. p. 274. C.

e Plin. Hist. Nat. lib. xxxvii. cap. i. Vol. ii. p. 764.

Concordiæ delubro, cornu aureo Augusti dono inclusam." Solinus has, as usual, borrowed from Pliny what he has said of this stone; but he adds that it came from the borders of the Red Sea,' where, however, no such thing was ever found; and that it excited the taste for luxury amongst the Romans, although gems were known and esteemed at Rome long before this sardonyx was brought there.

Polycrates had probably many rings. The account of Pliny, therefore, does not contradict that of Herodotus. St. Clement of Alexandria informs us, that this ring represented a lyre. But as the representation of a lyre does not imply any very admirable workmanship, the loss of which should have been regretted by Polycrates, we may conclude that it was something else that was executed on the emerald mentioned by Herodotus, and that the lyre was on the sardonyx mentioned by Pliny.

"Epyov de] It was engraved by, &c. In the Greek, there is only, it was the work of. I have substituted the species of workmanship which a seal supposes. This Theodore of Samos invented the square, the level, the tower and keys. Pausanias, speaking of the art of casting statues, mentions Theodore of Samos, son of Telecles, and Rhœcus, son of Philæus, as the inventors of it; and then, with reference to Theodore, speaks of this emerald. In another passage, he joins both these artists in that work. Diodorus Siculus, however," speaks of Telecles and Theodore of Samos, both sons of Rhocus, and clever statuaries. Hence it is concluded that these authors differ, and that one of them must be mistaken. But the learned Valckenaer seems to suspect, and with reason, that Rhœcus had given to his two sons the names of his friend Theodore and that of his father. This conjecture reconciles Herodotus both with Diodorus and Diogenes Laertius. The latter affirms, that of twenty persons of this name, Theodore, son of Rhocus," is the first; but he may have confounded the son of Rhocus with that of Telecles.

Pliny pretends that to engrave on an emerald was forbidden, “decreto hominum iis parcitur scalpi vetitis." But if such an interdict was ever promulgated, it did not apply to Greece.

It was Theodore of Samos, son of Rhocus, who advised the use of charcoal for the foundation of the temple of Ephesus, because the

situation was moist, and charcoal having lost the nature of wood acquires a solidity impervious to water. For the same reason charcoal was placed under the landmarks or boundaries of fields. "In carbonibus..... tanta firmitas, ut nullo humore corrumpantur, nullâ ætate vincantur, usque adeo ut eos substernere soleant, qui limites figunt ad convincendum litigatorem, quisquis post quantalibet tempora exstiterit, fixumque lapidem limitem non esse contenderit." See also, as to this first Theodore, note 2. on § LI. of Herodotus, Book 1.

XLII. Xupheavros dé oi roúrov] And having obtained it. The preceding Greek phrase, 'cum hoc ei successisset,' the Latin translator has ill rendered 'à janitore permissus.' See M. Wesseling, note 89.

Пávra rà wohσavra] All the circumstances. In the Greek, 'He wrote in the letter all that he had done, and all that had happened to him.'

Γράψας δὲ, ἐς Αἴγυπτον ἐπέθηκε] He commitled his letter to a special messenger. The Greek is, és Aïyværov étéůnke: 'He gave his letter to be carried into Egypt.' I have given the true meaning of the passage. Herodotus makes use of the same expression, Book v. § xcv. But Gronovius, who translates it properly in the first instance, mistakes it in the second. See Valckenaer's note.

XLIII. Επιλεξάμενος] This prince having read it. Επιλεγομαι signifies 'I read,' which signification Stephens has not forgotten in his Thesaurus; but he supports it by no authority antecedent to Lucian, though Herodotus has several times made use of it, for example, Book 1. § CXXIV. and cxxv. Book 11. § cxxv. Book VII. near the end, Book VIII. § XXII. Hesychius, in his Lexicon, has thought proper to explain the word: ἐπέλεξατο, τὰ γεγραμμένα ἀνέγνωσεν.

Aiaλveolaι Thy Eeiviny] To renounce his alliance. Such a motive in my opinion does little honour to Amasis; who appears to greater advantage in the account of Diodorus Siculus. This historian relates, that Polycrates' ill-treated his subjects, and all strangers who came to Samos; that Amasis first sent ambassadors, exhorting him to use his power with greater moderation; but that the tyrant not complying with these suggestions, Amasis wrote him a letter, in which he renounced all friendship or alliance with him, because he foresaw that a prince who treated his subjects so ill must come to an unfortunate end, and he wished to spare himself the mortification of seeing his friend overtaken by such a fate.

XLIV. ̓Αν καὶ παρ' ἑωυτὸν πέμψας ... δέοιτο στρατοῦ] To send to him to demand troops. Just before we have, 'begged of him.' 'Edenon (Καμβύσεα) ὅκως ἂν . . . . δέοιτο στρατοῦ. The verb δεῖσθαι is here

"S. Augustin. de Civit. Dei, lib. xxi. cap. iv. p. 621. B.

Diodor. Sic. lib. i. § xcv. p. 106.