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elicited from one mind falling upon another fill more enthusiastic and vifionary, created others, which having been either preferved by tradition or in manufcript, or more lately fixed by the Preis, have been the germs from which fuch hordes of eccentric and vifionary characters as people the ancient romances and tome modern novels have been engendered. This indeed feems to be the opinion of Mr. G., who concludes his allution to the miraculous feats of Chriftian warriors contending with impious Saracens, with this remark:

"These were the tales with which the youthful fancy of Chaucer was fed; this was the vifionary fcenery by which his genius was awakened; these were the acts and perfonages on which his boyish thoughts were at liberty to ruminate for ever.

"After the confideration of the scene in which a man has fpent his boyish years, and the studies and modes of imagination to which his early atten

tion has been directed, there is nothing that can be of more importance in moulding the youthful mind than the religious fentiments which have in our tender age been communicated to us."

This obfervation introduces the establiment and practices of the Church in the fourteenth century. The predominance of the Roman Catholic religion in the eleventh; its decline, its policy, its peculiar characteristic; or, as the Author fays, its peculiar beauty in addreffing the lenfes. Its edifices, in their construction exquifitely venerable, are alfo defcanted on. "Their ttained and painted windows" (which are the lame) "admitting only a dim religious light, the inagnincence of the fabric, its lofty and concave roof, the maffy pillars, the extentive aifles, are all calculated to infpire the mind with religious folem. nity."

(To be continued.)

The Political and Confidential Correfpondence of Lewis XVI. With Obfervations on each Letter, by Helen Maria Williams. Three Volumes, 8vo. l. is. Boards.

THE publication of the original letters

and other papers of the laft unfortunate King of France, by his friends, has proceeded from the moft laudable motives. The French editors obferve,

that many refpectable writers have attempted to reconcile the memory of this good King with the etteem of his contemporaries, which he never deferved to have loft. Their works have been read with avidity, and the pages have been bathed with the tears of regret. But it never yet entered into the mind of any perfon to paint the unfortunate Monarch by his mot fecret thoughts, by extracts from his manufcripts, by his analyfes, by his public and private correfpondence. This, however, is the fureit way of appreciating him; to behold him, not in his Court, amidst his Courtiers, with that borrowed foul which the habit of commanding gave him, but in the prefence of his intimate friends, of nature, and of his own confcience. It is by this mode of trial that we difcover the private man without reproach, and that we fometimes feel difguft at the public character. The end which it was intended to promote

by the publication, was to fcatter a few flowers over the tomb of a Prince, the friend of mankind, whose apotheofis will furely be one day made by future generations."

Thefe, fays Mrs. Williams in her Preface, are the very words of the Editors themielves of the intended French edition. In another part, the deems it unneceffary to mention the reafons which produced the delay of their publication, and still leis the means by which thefe manuscript volumes fell into her hands. The only point to be afcertained was their authenticity; of which fuch proofs were given as appeared to her to be fully fatisfactory the originals, according to a note of the French Editors, are depofited in the hands of a perfonage who will think it a pleasure and a duty to communicate them to fuch as are curious or incredulous. But, after all, we are left in doubt, whether the French edition has appeared in print, and if publifhed, where, and at what time; for in one page the fpeaks of the intended French Editors and their intended publication, and in the next gives us the idea that her work has

been

been selected from the original manufcripts, and confifts of the King's let ters and other papers that have never before appeared.

Without attempting to account for the contradictions in her preface, and in her obfervations on fome of the King's letters, it may be proper to apprize the reader, that the is a partial advocate for the French revolution, "and does not conceal her admiration of the great and exalted principles in favour of the human race which that revolution was destined to ellablish." After this confeflion, we thall not be furprifed, that in every inftance wherein the King's private fertiments or public conduct militated against the measures "of those who have rendered themfelves illuftrious by refcuing their country from the ignoble fervitude under which it was opprefled," the unfparingly accufes him of duplicity and the violation of facred promiles and oaths.

Fortunately, the Letters now before us will convince every candid reader, that from the commencement of his reign he meditated the happiness of his fubjects. Lewis XVI. afcended the throne in the year 1774, when the most unbounded licentioufnefs and the groff eft abuses had contaminated the government, and debafed the Court of Verfailles. The influence and example of Madame du Barré, supported by the power of the Duke d'Aiguillon her patron, produced fuch a diffipation, folly, and prodigality, that the hearts of the people in general were alienated from the doating Monarch and his fervile Courtiers: thofe who were fo imprudent as to fpeak or write their opinions of the mistress and favourites of Lewis XV. were immured in the Baftile; and so strong was the intereft of this woman after his deceafe, that the indignation of the people neither produced feclufion, nor reftitution of the immenfe fums drawn from the public treafury, and lavished upon her by her roval paramour. The feeds of popular difcontent were at this time diffemi nated throughout the kingdom. Under thefe circumftances, what was the conduct of the new King? In Letter IV., addreffed to M. de Malefherbes, one of his Minifters, fo early in his reign as the Spring of the year 1776, we find that fome abutes in the public offices had been corrected: this virtuous Minifler refused to make ule of

lettres de cachet, by which the Bastile had overflowed with prifoners, who, after years of confinement, were restored to liberty, with the King's approbation, who applauds the conduct of his Minifter, and thus expreffes his benevolent fentiments:-" Surrounded, as I am, by men who are interested in mif. leading my principles, and preventing the voice of public opinion from reaching my ear, it is of the higheft importance to the profperity of my reign, that I fhould fometimes be able to repofe my eyes with fatisfaction on a few fages of my own choice, whom I may call the friends of my heart, and who will warn me of my errors, before they have had any influence on the deftiny of twenty-four millions of men.

You undertook ufeful reforms in my military eftablishment: but many perfons conceived alarms. I had reafon to apprehend that the difcontent might produce troubles refembling those of the League, and the Fronde; and I was obliged to referve for a happier period the moment fo dear to my heart, when, banishing vain pomp, I fhall have compofed my household of men of worth, fuch as you, to furround me, and fhall have for guards, the hearts of the French." In Letter VI., refpecting the difmiffion of M. Turgot, we find a remarkable intance of his benign difpofition:"Turgot, my dear Malefherbes, is no longer fit for the place he occu pies; he is too pertinacious, even in the good he withes to do. Despotism, in my opinion, is good for nothing, even when it would force a great people to be happy." Behold the fentiments of a Prince, whom fome of Mrs. Willims's illuftrious Revolutionifts had the bafenefs to ftigmatile with the appellation of "the last Tyrant of France." The refignation of Maletherbes followed the difmillion of Turgot. Of this Minister, Helen Maria Williams, in her obfervations on the King's letter, writes in raptures "A few years only have intervened; the Parliament, the Nobility, Maurepas (who required Turgot's.difmillion), the Monarchy, have all been fwept away. And what remains? The recollection of Turgot's virtues, and that itupendous monument, of which he laid the foundation, the great and immortal principles of the French revolution!" Is this hif to y? is this the refult of having fought

for nothing but truth? Admirable hif torian for the republican library of Paris! but, affuredly, not for the Britith Museum of London. See her Memoirs of Turgot, p. 67, Vol. I.

The next important letter is the XVth, addreffed to M. de Malesherbes, dated December 13, 1786, by which it appears, that, ten years after he had retired from the Cabinet, this ExMinire kept up a private correfpondence with his Sovereign, by whom he was defer vedly esteemed, and occafion. ally con ulted. Neither weaknefs, nor irrefolution, the prominent failings with which the enemies of Lewis fo often reproached him, while living, and have endeavoured to fully his memory after death, are difcoverable in this letter, replete with found judgment, just policy, and amiable moderation. Let the candid read and judge for themfelves.

"I love and eftéem thofe men, my dear Malefherbes, who prove, by uleful productions of the pen, that they employ their talents for worthy purpofes: but I will never encourage, by any particular diftinction, fuch works as tend to a general corruption of morals. Voltaire, Rouffeau, Diderot, and other writers of the fame caft, who obtained for a while my admiration, and whom I have fince learned to appreciate, have perverted the young, who read with enthufiafm, and that clafs of fociety, which is the most numerous, who read without reflection. The liberty of the prefs, my dear Melefherbes, no doubt enlarges the fphere of human knowledge: it is certainly to be wished that men of letters might have the privilege of publishing their thoughts without the obitacle of any cenfure whatever; but men are fo apt to wander beyond that point where witdom enjoins them to top, that not only a fevere police for books is neceffary, but also a vigilant infpection over thofe who are commiffioned to examine them, in order that noxious books may obtain as little publicity as poffible. I know that every kind of inquifition is odious: but it is neceffary to curb licentioufnefs, fince, if this be not done, religin and merals would foon lofe their influence, and regal authority that refpect with which it fhould always be accompanied. Our modern philofophers have ext led the biefings of liberty, only to infinuate more cafly

into the minds of men the feeds of rebellion. Let us beware: we fhall, perhaps, one day have to reproach ourfelves with too much indulgence towards philofophers and their opinions. I fear they may feduce the young, and are preparing many troubles for the generation by which they are protected. The remonstrances of the Clergy are in part well founded: and I cannot but applaud their forefight. You have promifed the affembly of the Clergy, in my name, to profecute hurtful and impious books: we will keep our word: for the too daring philofophy of the age has a project in referve, while it corrupts youth, and tends towards general trouble and diforder."

This letter feems to have been dictated by a prophetic fpirit; and we all remember how neceffary it was for our own Government to take salutary, though at the fame time extraordinary meatures, to curb the licentioutnets of the prefs, when diffeminating the principles of the French Revolution, under the mask of political reformation. But thanks be to God! the fanguinary horrors of the first new order of things in France, and the return of a deluded nation to defpotifm under a foreign tyrannical ruler, has had its proper effect on our countrymen, and has taught them the value of their own well tempered constitution, and a grateful veneration for a justly beloved King.

The further we advance in these royal letters, the more cause we find to lament the cruel and untimely fate of the amiable writer. Determined to devote himself a victim to the fury of his mifguided fubjects, rather than to thed their blood for the prefervation of the monarchy, he yields to the rempeft, waits with patience for better times, when the people thould recover their fober fenfes, and the inherent love of Frenchmen for their King; he risks every thing dear and valuable to avoid a civil war in his dominions. At fome future period, an anniversary may with propriety be established in France to commemorate the death of this bleffed Martyr- this merciful King, who refufed to fet father and fon in battle array against each other, and to fpread flaughter and defolation far and wide through his extensive dominions!

In Letter XXI., to the Count d'Ar

tois, September 7th, 1789, are the fol

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lowing proofs:"You talk of courage, of refiftance to the projects of factious men, of fovereign will-My brother, you are not a King! Heaven, in placing me on the throne, gave me a feeling heart, and the fentiments of a good father. All Frenchmen are my children; and I am the common father of the great family confided to my care. Hatred and ingratitude are armed against me, but their eyes are dimmed: their judgment is bewildered: the revolutionary torrent has dizzied every brain! I might indeed give the fignal of combat: but how horrible a combat! and how more horrible a victory!-thousands of Frenchmen would have been immolated.-You will tell me, perhaps, that the people triumphed, and proved, by their excelles, that their fentiments were not generous; that they have dared to abufe their victory, and ftab their vanquished foe. Alas! do you then appreciate as nothing the calm of a good confcience? I have done my duty; and while the affaffin is a prey to remorfe, I can declare loudly, that I am not refponfible for the blood that is fhed. I have not commanded murder—1 have an internal conviction of having acted well, while my enemies have had recourfe to crimes-Which of us is in a fituation the most to be envied ?"

The obfervations of Mrs. Williams on this letter are, in general, just and animated; but the does not give the King full credit for the voluntary perfonal facrifices he made, in the vain hope of rettoing order and tranquil lity. She thinks he deceived himlelf, and in one inttance fo it appearsfor in another letter he fays, "the French are incapable of Regicide! but this was in the year 1789.

In 1791

this opinion was changed-In Letter XLV. Vol. II. to the Prince de Condé, he writes" In vain I have intimated to my brothers how much thofe armed affemblies on the banks of the Rhine are contrary to found policy, the interefts of the exiled French, and my own caufe. They still perfit in their relo lutions of attack, threaten us with foreigners, and oppofe them to Frenchmen led aftray. This conduct fills me with forrow, and must produce the most difaftrous confequences - My enemies perfift in confidering me as the foul of your preparations; they imagine I have a fecret council, under

VOL. XLIV. DEC. 1803.

the name of the Auftrian Committee, directed by the genius of the Queen, encouraged by my approbation--and every day they found in my ear the funeral cry of War! War! Oh God! preferve France from this fatal fcourge! let not thofe homicide yells be heard! If I muft defcend from the throne, and mount a fcaffold on which Charles I. of England was immolated, and abandon all that is dear to me on earth, I am ready-but no war! no war!"

Letter LVIII. addreffed to Monfieur, the prefent nominal King of France, reveals a tranfaction not known to many perfons, even in France; it is dated May 29th, 1792-" The daring boldness of the factious, my dear brother, no longer knows any bounds. The most abfurd propofitions are made to me to abdicate the Crown. It I confent to this measure of public safety, they will proclaim my fon King of the French; a Council of Regency will prefide until his majority; and all bufinefs will be tranfacted in his name. If I acquiefce, I fhall have the liberty of chuing my place of refidence, wherever I think proper, even out of the kingdom. I fhall be left in poffeffion of all my patrimonial estates, with a revenue of five millions (of livres), of which two are to be in revection to the Queen, if the furvives me.-Anonymous letters are poured in upon me from all quarters, in which it is announced that we touch upon a tragedy, of which the catastrophe will be the fall of the monarchy and my death, if I do not decide upon entering into a private life. I will not lend an, ear to these criminal infinuations, but' will die where Providence has placed me; unmoved, because I have never ceafed to be juft. I am entirely re figned to all that can happen. God and hope: behold, my brother, what cannot be taken from me. To brave the hatred of the wicked, I have my confcience, and the fortitude which misfortune produces-Farewell!"

The remainder of thefe curious and interefting letters are in Vol. III. The whole collection contains feventy-four letters of the King's writing; and one from his brothers to M. de Breteuil. To this correfpondence are annexedMaxims of Louis XVI.-His thoughts on a few authors, ancient and modern.

Other thoughts extracted from the works of Stanislaus, King of Poland,

Mm m

his

!n

his great grandfather-Marginal obfervations, by the King, on a memoir of M. Turgor relative to the adminiftration of France-His obfervations on a Manifesto publifhed against his opinion, by his Council in 1775, again tt England, during the American war, which it clearly appears, that the affiftance given to the Americans fecretly by the French Ministry, and the fubfequent alliance with the revolting British colonies, was a meafure totally difapproved by the King. The lait paper confifts of perfonal obfervations on the fyftem of provincial establish ments in France. Much information for the use of flatefmen, and of private fpeculative politicians, may be derived from the perufal of this work; and for

the benefit of grown up Mafters and Miffes, the correfpondence is printed in French and English, page for page, fo that by concealing the English, the pupils may form a judgment of their own proficiency in the French language. By means of this manœuvre, loole printing, and a great number of pages nearly blank, materials which might have made two handfome,volumes are extended to three; fuch is the art of book making, which we have always cenfured, as justifying the complaint made on the continent of Eu. rope, in Afia and America, of the dearnefs of English books, to the prejudice of British literature, and of that' branch of our commerce.

M.

The Hiftory of the Reign of George III. to the Termination of the late War. To which is prefixed, A View of the progreffive Improvement of England, in Profperity and Strength, to the Acceffion of His Majefty. In Six Volumes. By Robert Billet, LL.D. Author of the "Life of Burke," &c. &c. 8vo.

(Continued from Page 369.)

IN his account of domestic policy, our Author keeps clearly in fight of the reader the uniform object of the King to chufe his fei vants without refpect to party, with the various obftacles that retarded the execution of fo prudent and liberal a defign. He alfo mentions the alleged fecret influence of the Earl of Bute and others, and denies that the favourers of this report have adduced any authentic evidence to fubftantiate their affertion. The Grafton Minifry, formed under the aufpices of Pitt (now become Earl of Chatham), did not long poffe's the active fupport of that eminent Statef man : it was feeble and diftracted. Want of fyftem and refolution ma ked its internal, colonial, and foreign politics. Britain was difcontented at home; her colonies were diffatisfied, and fhe took a lefs than usual concern in the tranfactions of the continent.

From time to time the Hiftory fketches foreign affairs, and marks growing changes in religious and political opinions in domestic hiftory, Wilkes and the proceedings refpe&ting him have a prope fhare; Minifters be ing cenfured for imprudence and impolicy in giving fuch importance to a demag gue, whom difregarding indifference would have fuffered to have funk

into oblivion. With a high literary admiration for Junius, Dr. Biffet regards that celebrated writer merely as a very able and eloquent partiian of the Whig junto, difagrees with him in deeming Minifters arbitrary and tyrannical; but agrees in thinking them unfit for conducting public affairs. The fucceffor of the Duke of Grafton, Lord North, our hiftorian regards as a man of good intentions, with a better understanding than any of his predeceffors after Mr. Pitt, but without firmnefs and refolution. The first act of that Minifter, the repeal of ail impofts on America, with the exception of tea, Dr. B. exhibits as a halfmeasure made up of conciliation and coercion, and a foretaste of the wavering policy which diftinguished the adminiftration of Lord North. During his first year, trade and revenue flourifhed. The abufes of fervants in India requiring trong correctives and preventives, the scheme of 1773, framed by Lord North, was by a great majority of the nation deemed to be fkilfully adapted to its purpofe. The national debt was diminishing; and on the continent every thing appeared to forebode the continuance of peace. The friends of the Minifter claimed credit to his counfels for fuch happy profpects, and the public was difpofed

to

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