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This reasoning has a further end. It justifies me in the address of these philosophical arrangements, as your lordship
and raised at the same time the dignity gods, not so much for the birth of the child, of his behaviour: the person who did this as for his being born during your times : was Anaxagoras, the Clazomenian, whom for I hope that by his being bred, and the people of that age used to call vous, or educated under you, he will become worthy “mind." Plut. in Vit. Periclis, p. 154. B. of us, and worthy to succeed in the manageedit. Xyland.
ment of affairs." A. Gell. ix. 3. Plutarch soon after gives good reasons
What in fact this education was, we may for this appellation of Anaxagoras, viz. his learn not only from Alexander's history, but great abilities, and his being the first who from an observation of Plutarch, in answer made mind or intellect (in opposition to to an objection, “how Alexander could venchance) a principle in the formation and ture to attack such an immense power as government of the universe.
the Persian with such contemptible forces The words of Anaxagoras on this sub- of his own." Plutarch says, that no forces ject, though well known, are well worth could be greater or fairer than the several citing: slávta xpñuata hu duoù elta voûs accomplishments of Alexander's mind; and ελθών αυτά διεκόσμησε: “ All things were concludes, " that he marched against the blended together: then came mind (or an Persians with better supplies from his intelligent principle) and gave them arrange- preceptor Aristotle, than from his father ment." Diog. Laert. ii. 6.
Philip:” πλείονας παρά 'Αριστοτέλους του Epaminondas, in his political capacity, καθηγητού, και παρά Φιλίππου του πατρός was so great a man, that he raised his αφορμάς έχων, διέβαινεν επί Πέρσας. Ρlut. country, the commonwealth of Thebes, de Alex. Fort. p. 327. edit. Xyland. from a contemptible state to take the lead As for Scipio, the illustrious conqueror of in Greece ; a dignity which the Thebans Carthage, we have this account of him and had never known before, and which fell, his companion Polybius (to whom we may upon his loss, never to rise again. The add also Panætius) from Velleius Patersame man was a pattern in private life of culus : Scipio tam elegans liberalium studioevery thing virtuous and amiable ; so that rum, omnisque doctrinæ et auctor et adJustin well remarks, Fuit autem incertum, mirator fuit, ut Polybium Panætiumque, vir melior, an dux, esset.
præcellentes ingenio viros, domi militiæque Cornelius Nepos, having recorded the secum habuerit. Neque enim quisquam other parts of his education, adds, At philo hoc Scipione elegantius intervalla negotiosophiæ præceptorem habuit Lysim, Taren- rum otio dispunxit, sem perque aut belli, aut tinum, Pythagoreum ; cui quidem sic fuit pacis serviit artibus ; semperque inter arma deditus, ut adolescens tristem et severum et studia versatus, aut corpus periculis, aut senem omnibus æqualibus suis in familiari- animum disciplinis exercuit. Vell. Paterc. tate anteposuerit, neque prius eum a se Histor. I. i. p. 19. edit. Lipsii. dimiserit, quam doctrinis tanto antecessit During the campaigns of Scipio, Polybius condiscipulos, ut facile intelligi posset pari attended him even in the time of action or modo superaturum omnes in cæteris artibus. engagement; as, for example, in that bold Com. Nep. in Vit. Epaminon. c. 2. Justin. attempt, when Scipio, with Polybius and Hist, vi. 8. Cicer, de Orat. iii. 34.
thirty soldiers only, undermined one of the As for Alexander the Great, we may gates of Carthage. See Ammian. Marcel. form a judgment, what sort of education 1. xxiv. 2. his father Philip wished him to have, from During more quiet intervals, Polybius did that curious epistle which he wrote to not forget the duties of a friend, or the Aristotle, upon Alexander's birth. It is in dignity of a philosopher, but gave advice, its character so simple and elegant, that we and that suitable to the character which have given it entire, as preserved by Aulus Scipio wished to support in the commonGellius:
wealth. Among other things, he advised Φίλιππος Αριστοτέλει χαίρειν. him (as Plutarch informs us)“ never to quit "lo i dol yeyovóta vibv tomtn oùv tois the forum, or place of public resort, before θεοίς χάριν έχω, ουχ ούτως επί τη γενέσει he had made himself some friend, who was του παιδός ως επί το κατά την σην ηλικίαν intimately conversant in the conduct of his αυτόν γεγονέναι ελπίζω γάρ αυτόν, υπό σου fellow-citizens." μή πρότερον εξ αγοράς τραφέντα και παιδευθέντα, άξιον έσεθαι και απελθείν, ή φίλον τινά ποιήσασθαι, σύνεγημών, και της των πραγμάτων διαδοχής. γυς όντα των πράξεων των πολιτών. Ρlut.
“Philip to Aristotle greeting. Symposiac. I. iii. p. 659. edit. Xyl. “Know that I have son born. On To these instances we may add the pethis account I am greatly thankful to the culiar regard which Cæsar had for the phi
has been distinguished in either character, I mean in your public one, as well as in your private. Those who know the history of our foreign transactions, know the reputation that you acquired both in Poland and in Germany:f and those who are honoured with your nearer friendship, know that you can speculate as well as act, and can employ your pen both with elegance and instruction.
It may not, perhaps, be onentertaining to your lordship to see, in what manner the preceptor of Alexander the Great arranged his pupil's ideas, so that they might not cause confusion for want of accurate disposition. It may be thought, also, a fact worthy of your notice, that he became acquainted with this method from the venerable Pythagoras, who, unless he drew it from remoter sources, to us unknown, was, perhaps, himself its inventor and original teacher.!
Poets relate, that Venus was wedded to Vulcan, the goddess of beauty to the god of deformity. The tale, as some explain it, gives a double representation of art; Vulcan shewing us the progressions of art, and Venus the completions. The progressions, such as the hewing of stone, the grinding of colours, the fusion of metals, these, all of them, are laborious, and many times disgustful: the completions, such as the temple, the palace, the picture, the statue, these, all of them, are beauties, and justly call for admiration. losopher Aristo, and Pompey for the philo- tioned between Pericles and Anaxagoras sopher Cratippus. Ælian well remarks, on is recorded, and the importance also of this these two great Romans, that “ they did not, intimacy, as to the weight it gave Pericles because their power was great, despise those in the commonwealth of Athens. who had the power of doing them the The treaty of Warsaw, negotiated and greatest services :" oủ ydp, étel péya 8ú signed by lord Hyde, was made in Januvavto, iepeppóvouy Tậv od uéyiota aŭ ary, 1745 ; that of Dresden, made under Tous óvñoai duvauévwv. Ælian. Var. Hist. lord Hyde's mediation, was signed the vii. 21.
December following. By this last treaty, In the same author, l. iii. c. 17. there is not only the peace of Germany was rean express dissertation on this subject, stored, but the Austrian Netherlands, and worthy of perusal, as being filled with ex- the king of Sardinia's territories, were in amples both from the Grecian and Roman consequence of it preserved. history.
8 From Pythagoras it passed to his disTo thesc citations I shall add only one ciples, and among others to Archytas, who or two more: Et certe non tulit ullos hæc wrote upon the subject in the Doric dialect, civitas aut gloria clariores, aut auctoritate the dialect generally used by Pythagoras and graviores, aut humanitate politiores, P. Afri- his followers. This treatise of Archytas is cano, C. Lælio, L. Furio, qui secum erudi- in part still extant, though but little known, tissimos homines ex Græcia palam semper large quotations ont of it being inserted by habuerunt. Cic. de Orat. ij. 37.
Simplicius into that valuable but rare book, In the same work, to prove the union of his Commentaries on the Predicaments, the philosophical character and the political, from which many of them are transferred we have the following testimony, taken into the notes upon the different chapters from the history of those sages, so much of this work. celebrated in antiquity, Pittacus, Bias, Fabricius, in his Bibliotheca Græca, vol. i. Solon, &c. Hi omnes, præter Milesium p. 394, mentions a tract upon this subject, Thalem, civitatibus suis præfuerunt. De published at Venice, anno 1571, under the Orator. iii. 34.
name of Archytas; but he informs us withal, See also Cicero's tract styled Orator, that its authenticity is doubted, because the sect. 15. p. 137. edit. Oxon. and the above-mentioned quotations from Archytas, Phædrus of Plato, p. 1237, edit. Ficini: in made by Simplicius, are not to be found hoth wliich places, the intimacy above men- there. This tract I have never seen.
Now if logic be one of those arts which help to improve human reason, it must necessarily be an art of the progressive character; an art which, not ending with itself, has a view to something further. If, then, in the following speculations, it should appear dry rather than elegant, severe rather than pleasing, let it plead, by way of defence, that, though its importance may be great, it partakes, from its very nature, (which cannot be changed,) more of the deformed god, than of the beautiful goddess.
The subject commences in the manner following.
The vulgar can give reasons to a certain degree," and can examine, after a manner, the reasons given them by others. And what is this, but natural logic? If, therefore, these efforts of theirs have an effect, and nothing happen without a cause, this effect must, of necessity, be derived from certain principles.
The question, then, is, What these principles are; for if these can be once investigated, and then knowingly applied, we shall be enabled to do by rule, what others do by hazard; and in what we do, as much to excel the uninstructed reasoner, as a disciplined boxer surpasses an untaught rustic.
Now, in the investigation of these principles, we are first taught to observe, that every science (as arithmetic, geometry, music, astronomy) may be resolved into its theorems; every theorem into its syllogisms; every syllogism into its propositions; and every proposition into certain simple or single terms.
If this be admitted, it is not difficult to see, that, in order to know science, a man must know first what makes a theorem; in order to know theorems, he must know first what makes a syllogism ; in order to know syllogisms, he must know first what makes propositions; and to acquire a general knowledge of these, he must first know simple or single terms, since it is out of these that propositions are all of them compounded.
And thus we may perceive, that where these several resolutions end, it is hence precisely the disquisition is to begin. It
και Πάντες γαρ μέχρι τινος και εξετάζειν λόμενος γαρ ποιήσαι απόδειξιν, φησί προς και υπέχειν λόγον, και απολογείσθαι και εαυτόν, βούλομαι περί αποδείξεως ειπείν. κατηγορείν εγχειρούσιν. Των μεν ουν 'Αλλ' επειδή η απόδειξις συλλογισμός εστιν πολλών οι μεν είκή, κ. τ.λ. «Οmnes enim επιστημονικός, αδύνατον ειπείν περί τούτου quadam tenus et exquirere et sustinere ra- τον μή πρότερον είποντα, τί εστι συλλοtionem, et defendere, et accusare aggre- γισμός: τον δε απλώς συλλογισμόν ουκ αν diuntur. At ex imperita quidem multi- μαθούμεν, ου μαθόντες, τι εστι πρότασις tudine alii temere," &c. Arist. Rhetor. 1. 1. λόγοι μεν γάρ τινές εισιν αι προτάσεις των c.). See also, p. 46, note h.
δε τοιούτων λόγων συλλογή έστιν ο συλi There is an elegant simile, taken from λογισμός ώστε άνευ του γνώναι τας προarchitecture, to illustrate this speculation. Threes, ådúvatov padeîv töv ovalogouóv The quotation from the original author εκ γαρ τούτων σύγκειται" αλλ' ουδε την (Ammonius) τηay be found in the Dialogue πρότασιν, άνευ των ονομάτων και των ρηconcerning Art, p. 14, note h, to which a μάτων, εξ ών συνέστηκε πας λόγος τα translation is there subjoined.
δε ονόματα, και ρήματα άνευ των απλών Ammonius, after he has produced his φωνών έκαστον γάρ τούτων φωνή εστι similitude, applies it as follows.
σημαντική. Δεί ούν πρότερον περί των Ούτως ούν και ο φιλόσοφος ποιεί: βου- απλών φωνών ειπείν. 'Ενταύθα συν ή
must begin where they end, that is to say, from simple terms; because, if it were to begin sooner, it would begin in the middle; and because, if the resolutions did not stop somewhere, there could be no beginning at all.
Now as to the subject, whence the disquisition is to begin, (I mean the contemplation of simple terms,) it is obvious it must be widely different from the several subjects that precede it. The preceding subjects, such as theorems, syllogisms, propositions, may all of them be resolved, because they are all of them compound: but terms cannot be resolved, because they are simple or single. The most we can do, as their multitude is large, is to seek after some method, by which they may be classed or arranged; and if different methods of arrangement occur, then to adopt, out of the several, that which appears to be the best.
It being therefore adjusted, from what subject we are to begin, (namely, from simple or single terms.) and after what manner we are to begin, (namely, by classing or arranging them,) a further question occurs before we proceed, and that is, What is it that these terms represent?
There seem but three classes possible, and these three are either words, or ideas, or things, that is to say, individuals.
Now they cannot represent merely words, for then the treatise would be grammatical ; nor yet merely ideas, for then the treatise would be metaphysical ; nor yet merely things or individuals, for then the treatise would be physical. θεωρία κατέληξε, και γίγνεται τούτο της knowing sounds articulate, or simple words, πράξεως αρχή. Πρότερον γαρ διαλέγεται inasmuch as each of these is a sound arπερί των απλών φωνών εν ταις κατηγο- ticulate, having a meaning. It is necessary, plais. Elo vútw tepi óvoudtwv, kal in therefore, in the first place, to say some μάτων, και προτάσεως, εν τω περί “Ερμη- thing concerning simple words.” νείας' είτα περί του απλώς συλλογισμού, Here, then, ends the theory, and it is εν τοις προτέροις αναλυτικούς, είθ' ούτω περί this which becomes the beginning of the αποδείξεως, εν τοις υστέροις αναλυτικοίς. practice, (that is, from this last part the 'Ενταύθα ούν το τέλος της πράξεως, όπερ ήν theory is to be carried into execution.) åpxt rñs Dewplas : “And thus also the phi- First, therefore, (with a view to the losopher does: being willing to form a de- practical part,) he disserts concerning monstration, he says to himself, I am willing simple articulate sounds in his Predicato speak concerning demonstration. But, ments: after that, concerning nouns, and inasmuch as demonstration is a scientific verbs, and propositions, in his treatise consyllogism, it is impossible to say any thing cerning Interpretation: then, concerning sylconcerning it, without first saying what is logism, simply so called, in his first Analya syllogism ; nor can we learn what is tics: and finally, concerning demonstration, simply a syllogism, without having first in his latter Analytics. And here is the learned what is a proposition: for proposi- end of the practice, which end (as we have tions are certain sentences; and it is a shewn above) was the beginning of the collection of such sentences that forms a theory. Ammon. in Prædic. p. 16. ed. 8vo. syllogism : so that without knowing pro- We have made this large extract from positions, it is impossible to learn what is a Ammonius, not only as it fully explains syllogism, because it is out of these that a the subject of this treatise, but as it gives a syllogism is compounded. Further than concise, and yet an elegant view of that this, it is impossible to know a proposition, celebrated work of Aristotle, his Organon, without knowing nouns and verbs, out of and of that just and accurate order in which is composed every species of sen- which its several parts stand arranged. tence; or to know nouns or verbs without
How, then, shall we decide? Shall we deny that simple terms represent any one of these? Or shall we rather assume the contrary, and say they represent them all? If so, and this be, as it will appear, the more plausible hypothesis, we may affirm of simple terms, (the subject of this inquiry,) that they are words representing things, through the medium of our ideas."
That this, in fact, is their character, may appear from the many logical, metaphysical, and physical theorems, and to these (as man is a part of nature) we may add also ethical speculations, which are occasionally interspersed in the course of this inquiry.
But to return to our subject, the contemplation of simple terms.
As they appear to be words, and not only words, but words which represent things through the medium of our ideas, it may not be improper to observe something upon the several objects thus represented, and that with respect both to their nature and to their multitude.
As to their nature, (without being too philosophically minute,) it is enough to observe, that some of them are sensible objects, and some of them are intelligible; that the sensible are perceived by our several senses, and make up the tribe of external individuals: that the intelligible are more immediately our own, and arise within us, when the mind, by marking what is common to many individuals, forms to itself a species; or, when by marking what is common to many species, it forms to itself a genus.
* Ammonius, in his excellent Commentary ing things, through the medium of our upon these Predicaments of Aristotle, in- thoughts or ideas." Ammon. in Prædicam, forms us, there were different sentiments of p. 14. 6. ed. 8vo. different philosophers as to the subject, con- 1 Thus Boethius: Hæc quoque nobis de cerning which these predicaments were con- decem prædicamentis inspectio, et in phyversant. Some, as Alexander of Aphrodi- sica Aristotelis doctrina, et in moralis phiséum, confined them wholly to words: losophiæ cognitione perutilis est; quod per others, as Eustathius, wholly to things: a singula currentibus magis liquebit. Boeth. third set, of which was Porphyry, wholly in Cat. p. 113. edit. fol. Basil. to our thoughts or ideas. Ammonius ap- Ammonius speaks to the same purpose pears to have supposed that they all erred, in fuller and more general terms: Ori de and that, not so much in the respective sub- χρήσιμόν έστιτο βιβλίον είς τε το θεωρητιjects they adopted, as in the restriction or κον φιλοσοφίας μέρος, και το πρακτικών, εκ limitation to one subject only. For this των προειρημένων δηλον, είπερ και την reason he immediately subjoins :
απόδειξιν, ήν εδείξαμεν, άνευ των απλών Οι δε ακριβέστερον λέγοντες, ών είς έστι φωνών ούκ έστι γνώναι, και ότι περί των και Ιάμβλιχος, φασίν ώς ούτε περί νοημά- κοινοτήτων διαλαμβάνει, είς & τα όντα των μόνων έστιν αυτώ ο λόγος, ούτε περί πάντα διαιρείται: «Τhat the book is useful φωνών μόνων, ούτε περί πραγμάτων μόνων, both to the speculative part of philosophy αλλ' έστιν ο σκοπός των κατηγοριών περί and the practical, is evident from what has φωνών σημαινουσών πράγματα, διά μέσων been said, if it be true both that demonvonudrwv: “But those who speak more stration, as we have shewn, cannot be accurately, of which number Iamblichus is known without simple words, and that the one, say that Aristotle discourses not upon book also treats concerning those common ideas alone, nor npon words alone, nor upon characters or attributes, into which all things alone ; but that the scope or end of beings are divided.” Ainmon. in Præd. his categories is, concerning words, signify- p. 16. edit. Venet. 8vo.