CHAPTER XIII.

Commencement of the Prince Regent's Government in 1811.-Proceedings of the Catholics.-Mr. Pole's circular letter.-Mr. Grattan's remarks.-Presents the Catholic petition.-Motion thereon, and reply to Mr. Perceval.—Conduct of the No-Popery Government.-Prosecution of the Catholics.-Arrest of Lord Fingall.-Unconstitutional conduct of the Chief Justice.-Convention Act.-Trial of the delegates.Acquittal of Dr. Sheridan.-Trial of Mr. Kirwan.-Conduct of Sir Charles Saxton, Under Secretary.-Tampers with the jury lists.Speech of Mr. Peter Burrowes.-Mr. Kirwan found guilty.-Conduct of the prince. His letter to the Duke of Richmond as to Lord Leitrim.-Lord Hutchinson's spirited conduct.-Lord Grenville's and Mr. Horner's Letters.-Lord Morpeth's motion as to Ireland.-Mr. Grattan's speech.-America, orders in Council.-Mr. Grattan on Mr. Perceval's policy.-Petition from the Protestants of Ireland in favour of the Catholics.-Mr. Grattan moves Catholic petition, 23rd April, 1812.-Speech.-Mr. Perceval assassinated.-Mr. Grattan's letters.-Incapacity of Ministers to conduct the Government.-Record thereof.-Attempts to form an administration. Mr. Wortley's motion. -Hostility of the Prince.-Old ministry retained.—Remarks on negotiations.-On Lords Grey, Grenville, and Moira.

THE year 1811 was passed in great disquietude. Much was expected from the Prince; much was apprehended from Buonaparte. Master nearly of Europe, he threatened Russia, and sought to add that empire to his dominions; but fortunately Providence was destined to interfere and check his ambition. With respect to the Prince Regent, the people of England were in doubt, the people of Ireland in astonishment, and the Catholics in despair.

At first, the Prince treated his father's ministers coldly, and received the visits of his Opposition friends, Lord Hutchinson and Lord Moira. The former resided at Carlton House, and had an opportunity of witnessing the weakness of the

Prince; how quickly the Ministers gained upon him; and how he weaned himself by degrees from his old party. He lived with his brothers, the Duke of York and the Duke of Cumberland; the latter of whom, since the attempt on his life in 1810, resided at Carlton House. He showed few symptoms of affection for his early friends; no disinclination to a No-Popery Administration; and little regard for the proceedings of the House of Commons. One of the first measures of his rule was to restore his brother, the Duke of York, to the office of commander-in-chief, from which he had been forced to retire, in consequence of the proceedings in Parliament in 1809. Lord Milton made a fruitless motion on the subject in the House of Commons. It was precipitate and injudicious on his part, done without consultation, and not politic for his party. It put the Prince on his guard, and hazarded his good disposition, if he entertained any such towards them; but the Whigs knew his character, and saw that he was lost to them for ever. The subservience of the House was the shield that protected him, and he knew it; accordingly the Duke remained in possession of his office. The next proceeding of the Prince's Government was the prosecution of the Roman Catholics. They had held a general committee, from whence petitions were presented to Parliament, which were civilly received and uniformly disregarded. With a view, therefore, of extending their body, and giving greater influence to its measures, their secretary (Mr. Hay), in January, 1811, was directed to write to the Catholics, calling upon them to appoint managers in each county to forward their petitions. brought forth the vigour of Government, and Mr. Wellesley Pole, the secretary, issued a circular *Afterwards created Lord Maryborough.

This

letter to the sheriffs and magistrates throughout Ireland, calling upon them to arrest all persons who posted notices of appointing such managers, or who voted for them, or acted in such capacity. This letter threw the country into a state of the greatest agitation. The subject was brought before Parliament, and on the 22nd of February, Mr. Ward* moved an address to the Prince for the production of Mr. Pole's letter. Mr. Grattan severely censured the conduct of the Government for denouncing as disloyal and unlawful a body that Parliament had already recognised, and had been in communication with. The words "unlawful assembly," as applied to that body, he considered most improper. The Convention Act did not apply, as it did not pretend to interfere with the right of petition; and it was necessary that the people should have power to appoint persons to manage their petition and collect the sentiments of those in their vicinity. He observed as follows:

In my judgment these popular meetings, thus conducted, are not the cause of just alarm. It is well that opportunities should exist for the mind of the people to evaporate. The aspirations of active genius, and the high mettle of young ambition, should not be subject to eternal control. I see much of public spirit in the Catholics of Ireland; much indeed of vehemence; but of a vehemence that threatens no evil consequences. The fire should be kept in its proper orb, and it will emit a salutary light and heat, without bursting into conflagration. Nothing has been stated to justify the retrospective operation of the Convention Act; and if Ministers are determined to persevere in their impolitic system, I hold it to be the duty of the House to interpose in favour of the people, and to assert the right of the Irish subject to complain of grievances. It remains for Ministers to show, that to destroy the Catholic Committee was necessary, in order to prevent a Afterwards Lord Dudley.

national convention in that country. It was the undoubted privilege of the subject to be sometimes clamorous and violent in the maintenance of his rights. I will not say it is his right to be foolish also; but I am sure that, with a view to suppress any mischief that may be apprehended, the worst plan is a harsh exercise of the power and authority of government. Occasional ebullitions of warm feelings do not call for its chastising arm; they are the symptoms of a free spirit, the calentures of a lofty mind, harmless when gently treated.

The Ministers opposed the motion, and it was consequently lost; there being only 43 for and 80 against it.

Unwearied and indefatigable in his exertions, Mr. Grattan again brought forward the Catholic question in May 1811; and on the 31st he moved that the petition should be referred to a Committee of the whole House. He prefaced his speech by getting the clerk to read the resolutions of the 28th March, thanking General Graham and his army for their brilliant victory at Barossa; also those of the 20th April, thanking Lord Wellington and the army in Portugal. The following extracts of this speech are worthy of being noticed, as showing the sufferings of the people, the injuries done to them, and their patient and surprising submission. After observing on the arguments brought against the Catholics, he said,

What, in fact, does this evidence amount to? It begins by testifying that an immense body of Christians, subjects of this empire, are worse than any class of idolators; that they are not trustworthy in civil life. But if this charge be true, then it can be no less true, that the Messiah has failed-that the Christian religion is not of Divine origin-since its effect and operation has been to deprave and immoralize mankind. The charge is compounded of the dogmas of the Church and the politics of the Court; the spirit of the former being uniformly the spirit of bigotry, that of the latter as uniformly power.

Against this evidence we have long had the indisputable declarations, and the explicit testimony, of six most eminent universities of Europe, disclaiming any doctrine incompatible with the strongest attachment to the civil government of every country. In addition to this, there is our experience of the fact, as proved and established in the long intercourse that has subsisted between Protestant and Catholic, and the long obedience and submission shown by the Catholic to your Government. But let us look at the charge in another point of view, and examine upon what ground it rests. It represents that you, having had possession of Ireland for six hundred years, have so abased the exercise of your authority-have so oppressed and misgoverned the people of that country, that they are unalterably hostile to your interests, and inflexibly rebellious to your control. It represents that you stand as if convicted of a perversion of your power, and practically disqualifies you to be governors, under whose sovereignty Ireland has passed so many centuries of her existence. But, sir, I believe no such thing. I believe the assumption to be groundless; that it is unjust to accuse England; but such is the nature of the accusation against_the Catholics; it points less against them than against England, and British connection. Depend upon it, that the original source of a people's vices is the vice of its Government; and that in every instance since the creation of the world the people have been what their rulers made them. A good government makes a good people. Moralize your laws, and you cannot fail to moralize your subjects.

*

The good advice and the sage counsel that is contained in the following passage was wholly thrown away on the British ministry; the error will be discovered, probably, when too late.

Do you not know that the preservation of your own religion, your liberty, and all your privileges depends on the success of your efforts against the French? Do you not know that your success depends on your union among yourselves, and that, if instead of being united, you split and separate, you are a ruined nation? The Government may tell you, you can wait. Yes; God Almighty may