istration of its able and permanent adjutant-general has done much. But to all these things has been added the kindly interest of the older veterans in this organization, who, with undiminished love for it, still take a keen interest in the active and younger soldiers of the State.

But, Mr. Toastmaster, you have asked me to speak for the Commonwealth. Her first word, in courtesy and in justice, is for you; her next, with pride, honorable and just, is for herself. How true is the sentiment of your toast! "Radiant she has been in the annals of war and in the arts of peace, ever at the front in every advance for human rights." I count among the arts of peace, religion, education, self-government, the church, the school-house, and the town-meeting. These, early and ever since, have been established and fostered by the people of our Commonwealth, and have placed her in the very forefront of this sisterhood of States. Our forefathers knew that the first essential for free institutions and a prosperous Commonwealth was to have an intelligent, God-fearing people. So, with great sacrifice but wonderful foresight, they planted the school-house by the church, and at the very birth of this your glorious military organization they founded the university and established our public-school system. From that day to this, generously of her wealth, freely of the best of her ability, has our old Commonwealth given to the cause of education. With like energy and generosity have the people supported religion in all of its denominations. So, too, with skill and industry have they promoted commerce, agriculture, and our manufactures; and then by individual effort and wise laws have sought to bring prosperous capital hand in hand with contented labor, that here, as in the Acadian land of which the poet sang, industry might be described as "the whirr of the wheels, and the songs of the maidens."

Radiant, too, has Massachusetts been in the annals of war, ever in the front for the rights of man. Half-way down the lifetime of your company, when the oppressive laws of the mother-country were infringing upon the rights of the people, here came the indignant protests of the town-meetings, which meant revolution and independence. And later, when there came the clash of arms, here were found the volunteers, ragged, halfarmed, but for liberty and independence ready to defy the strongest power in the world. This old hall recalls their deeds as it does many a glorious agitation since, where Massachusetts has led for humanity and freedom. Why, but a few hours ago, with loving hands we were strewing our garlands on the graves of sons of Massachusetts, her patriotic dead who stood true to her when she was summoned to do her full duty to the Nation in its struggle for life and liberty. Proud of her glorious history, rejoicing in her prosperity and leadership, now let us one and all pledge to her again our love and our loyalty, and join in the prayer, "May God save the Commonwealth of Massachusetts!"

SPEECH

AT THE DINNER OF THE ANCIENT AND HONORABLE ARTILLERY COMPANY, FANEUIL HALL, JUNE 6, 1892.

I

ESTEEM it one of the high privileges of my official position to meet with this old and honored military organization, and after listening to the stirring words of martial preaching, to enjoy your abundant hospitality and good fellowship, and then to exchange with you the cordial greetings which the mother State ever extends to her children, and which you, her loyal sons, give to her with your whole heart and soul.

For a second time it is my privilege to be with you, bearing to you her hearty congratulations that another year of honorable record has been added to the more than two hundred and fifty years which have distinguished your life, and have kept it, not only in its age, but in its patriotism and public spirit and in the high character and honorable service of its members in war and peace, fully in touch with the grand life of a great Commonwealth. Perhaps the fact that for a second time I address you, and now as old acquaintances and friends, has led you to be a little personal in your toast, and in it to refer to the terrible warlike powers with which the Constitution invests the Governor. I am sorry you have done this. Not that you have incorrectly quoted the Constitution. It is true he is given supreme military power, with authority" to assemble in martial array and put in warlike posture the inhabitants, and to kill, slay,

and destroy all and every such person and persons as shall at any time hereafter in a hostile manner attempt or enterprise the destruction, invasion, detriment, or annoyance of this Commonwealth." But I had hoped the fact was little known, and that in these days of dramatic political events and surprises I might avail myself of the power thus given before an alarmed people had awakened to the fact of its existence. My past experience has convinced me that in the fall of the year there are certain persons, in many ways most reputable and eminent, who are accustomed to go from one end of our State to the other in a "hostile manner, invading, conquering, and annoying this Commonwealth," but especially her chief magistrate. I had quite determined that her good and his own required that this warlike power of the Constitution should be invoked, and that the governor should "assemble in martial array and put in warlike posture the inhabitants, and destroy, if necessary, and conquer by all fitting ways, enterprises, and means, whatsoever all and every such person and persons." I was planning to call out this ancient military organization, to urge it to lay aside all political differences, to permit within its ranks opinions varied and picturesque as its many-colored raiment, and, rising to the full gravity of the situation, to rally to the defence of the Commonwealth and the support of her Governor. This I found I could do, even without the advice and consent of the Executive Council. But, Sir, this publicity has defeated my plans and my hopes. Our political campaigns must be conducted in the old way, and the commander-in-chief must abandon the idea of leading the Ancient and Honorable Artillery in martial array and posture against political or other opponents.

But, speaking more seriously, I like the quaint phrases

you have cited, in which the patriot Adams in 1780 defined the power of the Governor in our now venerable Constitution. They speak with an emphasis of authority and a consciousness of freedom. They establish a stringent measure of executive responsibility, and compel in the critical time of war the chief executive of the Commonwealth to take with the high honors of his office the full burden of power and responsibility. When to those phrases there were given life and meaning by the master-mind and patriotic soul of Governor Andrew, under his leadership the whole people of a great Commonwealth were marshalled to brave deeds and glorious sacrifices, and loyally and proudly followed him as he guided, governed, and inspired them; and then in the discharge of his exacting and responsible duties gave his life for his country as truly as any soldier who ever died upon the field of battle.

Everywhere in the great work of the Revolutionary patriots who gave to us our independence and our Constitution will be found the recognition and assertion that the people are the sole, the sovereign power to which is owed allegiance, and that their executive magistrates are their servants, and should be responsible ever to them. So, drafting in the midst of war the fundamental law of the Commonwealth, they gave to their elected Governor extraordinary war power, making him constantly and frequently answerable to them for its exercise, and so retaining sovereign power in the sovereign people. Just as clearly they intended, in time of peace and in civil administration, that the people, through the Governor whom they control, should retain full control of executive power. The modern idea, which has crept in through many statutes, but not through the Constitution, of a system of executive government by commissions and officers beyond the reach of the peo