17. The Moors. He says of this people, they were so reduced by wars as to have but a few families left. Very different indeed is the case at present: and, we may also conclude, many tribes had then withdrawn where the Romans could not find them. The race now accounted their descendants have so much of the Roman in their appearance, that one would be tempted to suppose a large admixture of the blood of the conquerors among them. 18. Taprobane, or Ceylon. Of the nations of India this author says, 'Indi propé gentium soli, nunquam migravere finibus suis.' The natives of this warmest of all climates have never chosen to quit their own country. A certain freedman of Annius Plocamus brought, in the reign of Claudius Cæsar, an embassy from Taprobane to Rome. This person sailing to collect the tribute of the Red sea, farmed by his patron, was driven by Northerly winds fifteen days sail beyond Carmania, and came to a port of Ceylon, which he calls Hippuros. Being well received by the government, and having in six months time acquired the language, 'sex mensium tempore imbutus adloquio,' he remained there some time longer, and brought them acquainted with his own government. He thought them an exact people in their dealings; they divided by weight, and not by tale only, the various monies they had taken in war (or piracy.)—The sea in those parts he found very green, and full of marine shrubs or trees [coral,] which were broken by the vessels in passing over them. The different position of some well known stars puzzled the Roman sailors; as did also their shadows falling in an opposite direction, and the apparently opposite course of the sun; which, now, rose on their right hand and set on the left. as The chief of the four natives who returned with Plocamus' freedman was a Rajah; principe eorum Rachia,' which title seems to have been mistaken for his proper name. The father of the Rajah had traded with the Sera, a people seated ultra montes Emodos: men of gigantic size, with blue eyes and red hair, [Scythæ] speaking a harsh brogue which their visitors understood not! So that their barter with them was conducted (as by our navigators with others since), with the goods deposited on a middle line by one party, and replaced with their own articles by the other. 6 Taprobane, however, was not without Roman vices; though deemed quite another world. 'They, too, knew the worth of money, and held pearls and gems in still higher esteem than the Romans. They had a variety of articles of tortoise-shell work, marmor testudinis simile;' and in fact a whole heap of luxuries and superfluities, the possession of which was as pleasant to them, as was the use to the Roman purchasers. They however held no slaves, and used no siesta; laid up no harvest, had no courts of law, and of course no suits with each other. They dwelt in low cabins, covered (some of them) with the enormous Chama shell; worshipped Hercules; chose their king from among more aged and better disposed citizens; and of such as had no childthus sbunning hereditary succession. If this chief should offend the against the people and his council of thirty, he suffered death-not however by any man's hand, but by an interdict of all help from society, even of speech. No one could be capitally convicted but by a majority of the Council of thirty; and there was an appeal, even from these, to an assembly of the people. They were industrious cultivators of the soil, but had no vines ; preferring orchards, 'vitis usum non esse, pomis abundare.' They engaged too, for change of diet, in the fishery. Their feasts were held when they had killed an Elephant, or a tiger; which they hunted, doubtless, to protect the crops and population; and they must hence have been a temperate people, since it was common for them to live to a hundred. So much we have learned in our time, says Pliny, concerning Taprobane.' Lib. vi. 24. (22.) This island was unquestionably the one we now call Ceylon: the distance run, and course described, agree with this; and the peculiar appearances shew they were within the Tropic. A person in those latitudes, about our midsummer, looking at the sun would see it in the North ; rising on his right hand and setting on his left, with his shadow at noon falling the reverse way of that in a North temperate Climate: What those tall men, with the hard speech and Celtic featurs were, whom he calls Sera, who visited and were visited by the Cingalese, may not be so easily told. They were Indian highlanders, 'tis plain, and not Chinese: and growers of silk; which is named after them, Serica [lana.] We find Ser-a and Ser-ingapatam on the map, near enough perhaps to be a part of their country. But there are yet others called Seres, whom Pliny mentions, Chap. xx; and who may have been Chinese or Tartars. Of them he says, they were noted for their manufacture of the down of leaves or trees, which they combed with water poured over it; and which our females (he says) take the double pains of spinning and weaving over again: Lanicio silvarum nobiles, perfusum aquâ depectentes frondium canitiem : unde geminus labor feminis nostris, redordiendi fila rursumque texendi. This sentence leaves it somewhat doubtful, whether the product spoken of might not be cotton. The combing or carding makes it seem the latter; while the use of water, and the idea of undoing the staple, and winding or spinning it over again, leaves it as likely to be silk: possibly the accounts he received of both are mixed together. But he concludes with a rather unpleasant reflexion on his fair countrywomen: 'Tam multiplici opere tam longinquo orbe petitur, ut in publico matrona transluceat!' 19. The great toe of King Pyrrhus. Quorumdam corpori partes nascuntur ob aliquid mirabiles: sicut Pyrrho regi pollex in dextero pede, cujus tactu lienosis medebatur. Hunc cremari cum reliquo corpore non potuisse tradunt, conditumque loculo in templo.' Lib. vii. To be sure-a member of those qualities was on no account to be burned-c'etait impossible! But let us consider how this miracleworking-great-toe of the right foot of a king operated, in curing splenetick persons; for to such only does it seem to have been applicable. The patients could not of course be all of the Royal household, or found in the precints of the palace: some of them probably had a pretty long journey to perform, ere they could come to the presence. Let the sceptics in this case admit that, at any rate, daily laborious exercise (for there were not well sprung coaches on all the roads, then,) with spare living, and a few wild beasts and robbers to encounter by the way, might prepare people, too much accustomed to good living at home, for an immediate perception of benefit to the spleen on their arrival at the resting-place. Or should this not suffice, on their admission to the audience, by a brisk application of the member to the seat of honour (instead of their lips to it) the cure, so far at least as the imagina tion was concerned, might be effected at once! Ed. ART. IV.-APPEAL TO A SENATOR, opposed to inquiry into proceedings apparently cruel and illegal ;-viz. the attack by the Yeomanry, on a body of unarmed men, women and children, at Manchester, August 16th, 1819: Written during the discussion of the case the date unknown. Thy breast has long been proved of human mould :— -! who erst didst proudly wear Our willing thanks and, like a true Knight, bear Climbs the far dreaded Inquest e'en to thee? That Syren voice! Alas, what boots it me, Myself once sold, that Afric's sons be free? H. Note. On the occasion above alluded to, and in which, although Animal Magnetism might be largely concerned, RELIGION was not, (for it would haveforbidden the whole of the proceedings,) the wounded are described as taking shelter in the Friends' Meeting-house hard by, and staining the seats and floor with their blood; the door-keeper narrowly escaping being cut down, by shewing his keys. I did not deem it of sufficient interest to us quakers, to claim a place in my Summary. Ed. CHARLES ELCOCK, PRINTER, PONTEFRACT. circumstances ART. I.-A Chronological Summary of events and connected with the origin and progress of the doctrine and practices of the Quakers. A. D. (Continued from p. 340.) Enactment for raising ‘An aid and contribution for the 1798-9. prosecution of the WAR." Several members of our Society were brought into considerable difficulty by refusing to pay this demand. Richard Reynolds of Bristol, Dr. Jonathan Binns of Liverpool (some time Superintendant of the Institution at Ackworth,) and the Editor of this work were of the number. We construed the Act (all of us, I believe) upon the very face of the preamble, as a direct Military requisition personally made on the king's subjects: and consequently knew not how to impute to the Executive branch of the Legislature (as in the case of an ordinary Tax on their property,) the military application of our share of the Fund so raised. Friends (though they mostly complied) were generally uneasy with the payment of this Rate; and were at length relieved by its being converted into a Tax on Income, without any specific application by the terms of the Act. The following letter, written to his father (who procured his release, by paying it for him,) will be appreciated (the Editor hopes) with candour, by such of his Friends as remember the trying occasion to which it relates. He has not suppressed(as he might certainly have done) the passages that make against himself: and with regard to the payment of the Tax, by the Friend to whom it was ad dressed, he believes it to have been made from motives as pure as those which actuated his own conduct in the case. "Dear Father: I have received a paper from thee containing extracts from two Yearly Epistles, prefaced by some remarks on the subject of War-taxes. I have read them with attention, referring to the passages of Scripture cited, and again (as at many times heretofore) seriously reviewed the subject; and hope I shall remark upon them with proper deference to the judgment of a tender and beloved parent. I ought to premise that, on recollecting the conversation which occa sioned thy writing [to me], I have found cause to condemn myself for indiscreetly, perhaps unjustly, reflecting on the Meeting for Sufferings; as well as for too much latitude of expression, otherwise. "I believe, after saying so much, I need not ask thee to forgive my weakness. But perhaps this may have occasioned a question in thy mind, whether my conduct in refusing to pay the Aid and Con tribution has been dictated by any better motive than a spirit of opposition to the present war; or [at best by] a persuasion that the payment would not be consistent with my profession as a Friend. "I think proper [therefore] to state to thee the real grounds of my refusal, and distinguish them from any inconsiderate additions I may have made, in the course of a too unguarded conversation. I might add some arguments on war and taxes, taken generally-but shall not do it, except thou art desirous to hear them: believing that I might have done better not to have communicated on the subject with the few that I have [spoken to ;] and that my present business is, rather to suffer for my belief, if it so please Providence, than to dispute, or persuade others: more especially while I am as yet untried with the suffering that may ensue. "I had acquiesced in the general opinion that Friends would pay the Tax, though not a pleasant one. On the first sight of the printed paper, containing the charge on us [the partnership in town,] I was forcibly struck with the title-and a degree of uneasiness raised which I could not shake off, though desirous to shun the subject. After suffering under it for some days, I got the Act; and on perusing it with attention my judgment was convinced that, if I should pay that charge, I could not acquit myself in the sight of the Almighty of knowingly and wilfully joining in the prosecution of the War; and consequently in the destruction of my Fellow-creatures: which I was not conscious I had ever done hitherto; and fully persuaded I could not do, without incurring the Divine displeasure. "Soon after came the demand on me here [at Plaistow,] which was one of the greatest exercises [of faith] I have ever met with. For, I think, I suffered every argument that arose on behalf of the payment, as well as the dread of the consequences, and the powerful [influence of the] example of many Friends, whose judgments I could willingly have preferred to my own, to operate fully and perhaps too long. However, after looking on every side as long as I durst, I found no way to escape but by giving up to refuse and I had no sooner done so, than my : |