The Importance of the N. American Colonies confidered 587

gard to North America is trade, the
more of that the colonists are enabled
to carry on, the better it must be for
us in the employment of our people;
but if feverity is used to inforce an
unpopular act, and that defperation
Thould enfue, would it not be matter
of great joy to our enemies, & would
not they fecond a revolt with view to A

Thare in a trade which we alone en-
joy and which adds in no fmall degree
to the dignity & honour of Great Bri-
tain. It should always be remember-
ed, that Spain loft both Portugal and
Holland by her acts of feverity, and in
thofe famous revolutions England and B
France had no inconfiderable fhare,
and every other power of Europe re-
joiced.

Such confiderations as thefe fhould
point out to Great Britain, that the
right rule of policy to be purfuted, is,
to acquire and retain, by acts of le- C
nity and mildnefs, the affections of
our colonies, and not to alienate them
by feverity; for the time will ap-
proach, in which it will become ex-
remely dangerous to attempt ruling
fo vaft a continent, already abound-
ing with millions, by the iron rod of
power, the fway of which will only
D
make them the fooner refractory;
and when the fire of refittance is once
kindled, there is no forefeeing how
far it may fpread. We fhould re-
member that they are Englishmen, and
many of them inherit from their an-
ceftors Republican principles, which E
they carried thither during the civil
wars; being perfecuted here, they
fled to the forefts of America for the
fake of liberty; their fons are all of
them actuated by the fame principles
of liberty, which fpirit perhaps is
more prevalent there than in this
kingdom.

fince whatever we did for them was with a view to ferve ourselves; and, to fpeak the truth, our perfecuting the diffenters in the times of fames and Charles I. by High Commiffion and Spiritual Courts, compelled the anceftors of the people of New England to fly thither from ecclefiaftical tyranny. The fame fpirit of perfecution prevailed against the Quakers in the lar ter end of the reign of Charles II. and, being made very uneafy thro' Popila bigotry, Mr Penn, the modern Lycur gus, folicited and obtained a grant of Penfylvania. Thither he took great numbers of Quakers at his own expence, which were followed by many others, in order there to enjoy their innocent and confcientious opinions.

Thus it appears that the four colonies of New England and Penfylvania were peopled by our perfecution, and without receiving auy other aid than that of protection only, and for which they have not been ungrateful.

They have now no European power to dread in their neighbourhood, and their own internal power is very confiderable, which a juft and gentle (way may for ages connect to this kingdom; for they will always confider us as their fafeft and best friend. But our greateft fecurity and power over them, must confift in their difunion. We should therefore, by plans of mild government, attract them as colonies refpectively, and we should rather make them rivals for our favour, than united friends in oppofing us. We must not think that the North Americans, who have a watchful eye over our proceedings, and are greatly jealous of their liberty, will fuffer their properties and interests to be mifapplied. America is every year growing more inFviting to induftrious manufacturers, and Great Britain perhaps more dif. couraging; in which cafe her ftrength will increase, whilft our's will decreafe; for we daily fee many of our manufacturers and ufeful people getting on that fide of the water, more particularly fince the paffing the stamp act and fugar act of 1763, the effects of which are already, and will foon be much more feverely, felt in this kingdom.

G

For thefe reafons great care ought to be taken in our conduct towards the Americans. To attract willing o bedience from them must always be more fafe than to exact it by compulfion; and it can never deferve reproach to correct human policy and error. The chief object of union between us and the colonies, is undoubtedly convenience and felf-intereft although the affection of the · North Americans to this nation from which they fprung, together with the H protection which they received in their infant fate, may operate as a fecondary motive to fecure their duty and their loyalty.

But in all debates at this time, too much trefs is laid on that protection,

It is a miftaken policy to attempt making the North Americans flaves to our intereft or power, for they are too knowing to be made the former, and too high fpirited to become the latter; the only way to keep them dependant on this kingdom, muft pro

ceeTM

488

The right of Taxing the Americans Afferted.

To which I answer, that as to the authority of parliament, that auguft Houfe can refolve, that their legillative power is not confined to Great Britain, but doth extend over the whole British empire; that it is hereA ditary and inherent in them; and that they will defend and fupport fuch their authority and dignity whenever occafion fhall require.

ceed from the wisdom and rectitude
of the government. This alone is
true policy, and on fuch principles we
fhould prevent their being harraffed
by Vice Admiralty Courts, and re-
move every exifting caufe of juft com-
plaint, and we should confider their
profperity as the fource of our riches.
By this conduct we should restore con
tent and harmony both here, there,
and between us. This is the true
fyftem which I think ought to be ob-
ferved, and thofe who fail in purfu-
ing it, will be the just abhorrence both B

of Britons and Americans.

But to return to the Stamp-act, in the preamble of which it is faid to be juft and neceffary that provifion be made for raifing a further revenue towards defraying the expences of defending, protecting, and fecuring the colonies in America.

After this, if they are convinced of the impropriety of the act, they can, I humbly conceive, confiftently with their honour, fufpend its execution for twelve months, or any other period of time, till a new parliament, when fome fmall commercial tax may be laid on them, and this abrogated.

But if for a century paft, whilst Caston nada and Louifiana were in the bands of France, the colonies wanted norfuch defence or fecurity from England, they would now be extremly glad to fee every foldier embark for England, fince they are of no ufe, but a burthen to the colonies, whofe real defence & protection is received from the valour of their own native militia; nor have they an enemy worth notice within 3000 miles of them.

With the recalling therefore of thofe troops from among them, the cause of the stamp tax will be removed; the colonies would then refume their trade, which is now ruined; and their heads, which are at prefent full of manufacturing, would be employ ed on fchemes of commerce and navigation; the fruits of all their labour would continue to center in Great Britain; and the language which they now hold, that they are treated not as Englishmen, but as aliens and flaves, would immediately fubfide; their affections and labours would he united in promoting the trade and intereft of this kingdom, and all things would return to their late happy and profperous fate.

D

E

F

G

But it may perhaps be faid, that admitting the parliament were convinced of the Inability of the colonies paying the stamp duty, and that they were inclined to repeal the act, but that the Americans, by denying the authority of that augult Houte to H impole internal taxes on them, has, as it were, pat it out of the power of parliament to repeal the act, because fheir dignity is concerned.

The Right of taxing the Americans confidered.

T

HE Americans have tried divers fchemes of intimidation to deter our parliament from maintaining their jurifdiction over them. But none is fo futile as that of pretending to recall their orders for British manufactures, in cafe the ftamp act shall not be repealed though this is perhaps the plan of deceit, the most agreeable to their way of thinking. Do they imagine that we are ignorant, that none of our provincialifts take merchantable commodities from us, except for gain in the way of trade, and 'by force of neceffity, because we will not permit them to fupply their warehoufes any where else. We are, however, well apprifed of this truth, that they take nothing from us out of a principle of kindness.

The fugar, teas, and other commodities they daily buy from St. Eufatia, and Monti Chrifti, in particular, are convincing proofs, that they have no tenderness for their mother country. The low prices of thefe commodities in America, the cheap rate at which they fell their wines, &c, are plain indications whence their wants are supplied. In short, Sir, there is no man acquainted in America, who doth not know that the Americans take nothing from us which they can do without, and that they smuggle as fast as they can upon their extensive coafts. And it is now plain, that poverty neither is, nor ever was, the real caufe of their refufing fubmiffion to the stamp.act. Their real motive is the ambition of becoming independant. They want to rid themselves entirely of our power to tax them, were they never so Ligh.

That Right denied.

sich. But we can eally difcover the imbicility of all their pretences fabricated for the bafe purpose of deceit. Their animofity at us, on account of the ftamp act, may induce them to pinch themselves for a little in the point of British manufactures; A but that humour will speedily engage av them to overlook every motive arifing from revenge. The fole queftion between us and America is, if the Americans are reprefented in our parliaments, and fubject to their jurifdiction in the fame manner with us.

of This matter, with refpect to Con- B
refticut, is fully determined in their
charter, and will be as evidently
clear from the reft. By that charter,
Sir, it is granted to those colonists,
that they fhall have the fame privile-
ges as if born in England, in that
England thall be reputed their natale C
folium, or the place of their birth. By
their acceptance of this charter in
thefe terms, they have agreed, that
England fhall be efteemed to compre-
hend Connecticut, or that Connecticut
thall, by a fiction between us and thefe
colonists, be fuppofed to lie in Eng-
land. These charters, Sir, are folemn D
deeds to which the colonifts are par-
ties, and by confequence they cannot
be allowed to contradict them; for
every deed is an effopper in law, which
stops or prevents the parties to it, from
making an averment contrary to the
tenor thereof.

E

If then, Sir, these colonists are to be confidered as born in England, America, their place of birth, mut be efteemed to lie in England; and fince all England is represented in parliament, America, the place of birth of our colonits, must be there reprefented alfo, it being conceded by them, that this F /country where they were born, fhall be reputed a part of England.

All Englishmen are reprefented in parliament, and if the Americans defire to be honoured with that respectable name, they must give up their felf-inconfiftent plea, that they are not represented in the British parlia G

ment.

It is, Sir, neither consistent with law, nor common fenfe, that the Americans thould be reputed Englishmen, without being fubject to that parliament which gives the law to, and taxes all Englishmen. It is not reafon. H Fable that they thould enjoy the great advantage of being born Englijbmen, without being fubject to be taxed by he fame power which taxes the reft.

Their day labourers have higher wages, and live at a cheaper rate than ours; they have land for almost nothing, and commerce there yields more profits than here: Why then fhould not they be taxed as well as we, by the power which taxes that coun try in which they defire to be fuppofed born?

The French and Spanish colonies are feverally taxed by the power which raifes taxes in France and Spain. The Danish, Swedish, and Dutch colonies, the fame power which rales in a fovealfo profefs an implicit fubjection to reign manner in the countries to which they refpectively belong. Why then should not the British colonies yield the fame fubjection to the pow er which taxes in, and b akes laws for Britain, of which they boast to be a feigned part? It is therefore as jult that they thould fubmit to our pariiament, as it is happy for us, that no European nation either can or will be inclined to protect them from our refentment; for I am certain, that no power in the world will chufe to have fame manner with the relt. fubjects whom they cannot tax in the

The Claims of the Americans impartially
reprefented

THE frequent invectives published
Tagainst the Americans, to provoke

the nation to embrue its hands in their blood, can furely be of no advantage to this country. Do the writers expect to convince the Americans, by their flimfy arguments of virtual reprefentation, and of Englishmen by fiction of law only, mixed with infolence, contempt and abufe, of the reafonableness of that unlimited claim let up, of a power to tax them ad libitum, without their confent? And can it be thought fuch writings (which are unfortunately re-printed in alt their papers) will induce them to bear it with greater patience, and during a longer period of time?

The gentle terms of republican race, mixed rabble of Scotch, Irifb, and foreign vagabonds, defcendents of convicts, ungrateful rebels, &c. are among those with which our colonists have of late been treated. Surely, if we are so much their fuperiors, we fhould fhew the fuperiority of our breeding by our better manners! Our flaves they may be thought; but ev ery maker of aves ought to know, that tho' all the flave poffeffes is the property of the mater,

his

590 The Claims of the Americans impartially reprefented.

his good will is his own, he bestows it where he pleales and it is of fome importance to the master's profit, if he can obtain that good-will at the cheap rate of a few kind words, with fair and gentle usage.

These people, however, are not, never were, nor ever will be our flaves. The first fettlers of New England particularly, were English gentlemen of fortune, who, being Puritans, left this Country with their families and fol. lowers, in times of perfecution, for the fake of enjoying, tho' in a wildernefs, the bleffings of civil and religious liberty; of which they retain to this day, as high a fenfe as any Briton whatfoever; and poffefs as much virtue, humanity, civility, and, let me add, Loyalty to their Prince, as is to be found among the like number of people in any part of the world; and the other colonies merit and maintain the fame character. They fhould then he treated with civility and candour.

One Gentleman, who is indeed more of a reafoner than a railer, has nevertheless thought fit to affert, that "their refufing fubmiflion to the Stamp-act, proceeds only from their ambition of becoming independent; and that it is plain, the colonies have no other aim but a total enfranchisement from obedience to our Parliament." These are frong charges; but the proofs of fuch ambitious and rebellious views no where appear in his paper. He has, however, condescended to give us bis proofs of another point, viz. "That the colonies have no tenderness for their mother-country;" and adds, "the fugar, teas, and other commo

A

B

E

be as much at a lofs as I am, to understand what he means by his Efloppers, and his Averments, and therefore not in the leaft convinced by his demonstration. They will only find out, upon the whole, that he is not their friend; and perhaps conclude, from that and his learning in the law, that he is one of their virtual repress fentatives by fiction in Parliament.

I hope, however, to fee prudent A measures taken by our rulers, fuch as may heal and not widen our breaches. The Americans, I am fure, for I know them, have not the leaft defire of independence; they fubmit, in general, to all the laws we make for them; they defire only a continuance of what they think a Right, the privilege of manifefting their loyalty by granting their own money, when the occafions of their Prince fhall call for it. This Right, they fay, they have always enjoyed and exercised, and never mifufed; and they think it wrong that any body of men whatever should claim a power of giving what is not their own, and make to themselves a merit with the fovereign and their own conftituents, by granting away the property of others who have no reprefentatives in that body, & therefore make no part of the common content in Parliament, by which alone, according to Magna Charta, and the Petition of Right, Taxes can be legally laid upon the fubject.These are their notions.

ANECDOTE az a once obnoxious M-

NISTER.

dities, which they daily buy from St F WHEN Sir Robert Walpole was Mi

G

Eufatia and Monte Chrifli, are convin-
cing proofs of it. May one ask this
profound writer, Are fugar and teas
the produce of our mother country?
Does not fhe herself buy her teas from
ftrangers? Were the North Americans
to buy all the fugars they consume,
even of our own inlands, would not
that raife the price of such sugars up-
on us here in England? Is not then
their buying them of foreigners, if it
proves any thing, a proof ather of
their tendeлnefs for their mother-
country? But the grocerly argument
of tea and fugar, is not inferior to the
lawyerly argument with which he de- H
monitrates, that, "by a Fiction be-
tween us and the colonifts, Connecti
cut is in England, and therefore repre-
tented in the British Parliament." I

afraid the common Americans will

nifter, in the Spanifb war, a fcheme was mentioned to him of taxing the American colonies: He Imiled, and faid, "I will leave that for fome of my fuccellors, who may have more courage than I have, and lefs a friend to commerce than I am." He added, "It has been a maxim with me, during my administration, to encourage the trade of the American colonies in their utmost latitude (nay, it has been neceffary to pafs over fome irregula rities in their trade with Europe) for by encouraging them to an extenfive growing foreign commerce, if they gain 500,000 l. I am convinced. that, in two years afterwards, foll 250.000 of their gain- will be in his Majefty's Exchequer." He ended with Jaying, "This is taxing them more agreeable, both to their own conflitution and to ours."

Poetical ESSAYS; DECEMBER 1765.

The HAPPY MAN.

F Happiness can e'er be found,

On Christian and on British ground;
benevolent and free,

Sure, Happinefs belongs to thee;
Content may poffibly appear,
Without thy thousand pounds a year;
Thy bounteous hand, thy conftant fmile
Forbear not, but attend a while.--

Blithe Health, far beft of earthly things,
Around thy manfion spreads her wings;
Thy spouse,how fage! how fair! that launches
Her offspring, like the olive branches !
Those patterns of yourselves that rife,
With ev'ry grace, to please your eyes ;
To glad your hearts, how foon! how fit!
Where parts are requifite, and wit.
Withdraw yourselves, a week, a day,
Whenever you, or madam, may;
At your return, what duteous ftrife
Welcomes the dead reftor'd to life,
Yourfelf frequents the public ways;
So known your perfon and your chaife!
What would you more? where'er you move,
As honour'd as the fon of you..
Gardens, with Paradife to vie,
No longer keep from public eye;
Of brick, fo flender plain and tall,
Your promife, throw me down that wall.
Thanks,deathlefs Phipps*,hail plodding brains!
How well burlesqu'd are old remains!
What tho' thy antient modern bath,
Is deem'd the smartest thing on earth;
Whofe freeflone once begirt the town,
No foe, but you, cou'd pull it down ;
With glaring cinders crufted o'er,
A bath, a ruin yet once more;
With barge that cuts the gentle fream,
Perhaps the poet's future theme;
I'd give up bath, and barge, and all,-
-Q, pray fir, fling me down the wall. W.B.

Advice from the COUNTRY; a Song
+ Jung at Boston, in New-England,
MID this loud clamour,

A With words, and with hammer,

About the new mode of taxation ;
A bard of the woods,
Unacquainted with goods;

Of the town, the vice or vexation 3

Would fling in his mite;
And to let things aright,
His mind with all freedom discover;
Give advice as he can,
And thus acting the man,
Shew himself, of his country a lover,

The raw, but bold ruftic,
With birch, or with fir-flick,
Could readily join in the throng i
With club, teeth or fift,
Still intrepid perfist,
And help a good purpose along.

The defigner and architelt of the bath, in
imitation of an antique ruin,

But, alas! my dear friends!
Why recur to fuch means?
Revert, and deteft the rude port;
We've others in power,
More certain and sure,
To violence need we refort?

Across the Atlantic,
Or placid or frantic,
No doubt the bold legend will go ;
And perhaps with furprize,
We shall foon have advice,
With a question of, Why do you so ?

Let us answer and say,
We buy and we pay,

And their's the refult of our toil;
Their various produce,

We take and we ufe,

And BRITAIN With reafon may fmile.

But if things come to this,

We should fure be remifs,

Not to patch up our old cloaths again;
Confume, but with care,

Re-turn, and repair,

165

And from youth thus to manhood attain,
Abroad for rich dress,

For filks, or for lace,

Why foolishly thus do we roam ?
Their raiment and food
Sure do us no good,

When enough of our own we've at home;

Their cates, and their gear,

We want not to chear,

The apple and ox are our own;
Our palates to please,
Beef, butter, and cheese,
And cyder in plenty to crown,

With us of the woods
Lay afide your fine goods,
Contentment depends not on cloaths;
We hear, fmell, and fee,

Tafte and feel with high glee,
And in winter have huts for repose,

The wild acorn for ufe,
Spontaneous produce!

Our fields a rich harve afford;
Altodial and clear,

Our lands for our heir,

Not the feud of a whimsical lord.

Our fathers in blood,

The rough favage withstood,

[defend

And their rights, with their wealth, could
To fons of our own,

Let then the renown,

Of BRITONS and FREEMEN defcend,}

And e're to fuch acts

As impofe a new tax,

That might and not right must fuftain,
Let us hive with the bee,

Eat the cruft of the tree,

And away to the fig-leaf again.